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"Reversion of History"
Jean Baudrillard
Somewhere in the course of the eighties of the twentieth century, history took a turn in another direction. Once it passed its apogee in time, once it reached the peak of the curve in its evolution, its solstice of history, a sliding back of events set in, an unfolding of inverted meaning. As in the case of cosmic space, historical space-time would also have a curvature. By way of the same chaotic effect in time as in space, things go faster and faster as they approach their culmination, just like the flow of water speeds up mysteriously as it approaches the waterfall.
"Radical Thought"
Jean Baudrillard
The novel is a work of art not so much because of its inevitable resemblance with life but because of the insuperable differences that distinguish it from life. — Stevenson
And so is thought! Thought is not so much prized for its inevitable convergences with truth as it is for the insuperable divergences that separate the two.
It is not true that in order to live one has to believe in one's own existence. There is no necessity to that. No matter what, our consciousness is never the echo of our own reality, of an existence set in "real time." But rather it is its echo in "delayed time," the screen of the dispersion of the subject and of its identity — only in our sleep, our unconscious, and our death are we identical to ourselves. Consciousness, which is totally different from belief, is more spontaneously the result of a challenge to reality, the result of accepting objective illusion rather than objective reality. This challenge is more vital to our survival and to that of the human species than the belief in reality and in existence, which always refers to spiritual consolations pertaining to another world. Our world is such as it is, but that does not make it more real in any respect. "The most powerful instinct of man is to be in conflict with truth, and with the real."
DN writes:
"Marching to Nowhere? Some Thoughts on the San Francisco M20 Demonstration
On March 20th, 2003, as bombs fell on Iraq, I joined with the thousands who took to the streets of Portland, Oregon, to express our rage against the war and to disrupt business as usual. That day, intersections were occupied, some freeways were temporarily blocked, and a couple of ugly businesses got trashed. A mass rally also took place. Surprisingly, we did not stop the war, but our fightback made a difference — we demonstrated to each other that it was possible to go beyond resignation and passivity. The question was how to be more focused and effective from then on. For some of us, San Francisco's actions of the same day hinted at solutions; the shutdown of that city's financial district was an inspiration.
One year on, I decided to travel to the Bay Area to check out the anti-war/anti-occupation demonstration there. What follows is not an attempt at a comprehensive report-back; I will merely describe my own experience, and draw a few general lessons from what I saw. I hope that this exercise will be useful to those already active around the occupation, and perhaps also those who wish to be.
"New Tax Ideas from John Kerry"
Juriaan Bendien
Sitting here in wintry Amsterdam, it looks to me the US tweedle-dee
tweedle-dum elections are really about nothing very much yet, the main
reason being that the federal government is heavily in the hock, and really
cannot deliver very much to voters, except through a radical restructuring
of federal operations, but this is a politically highly charged issue, which
cannot really be tackled before the votes are cast.
This is the problem of politics in the age of futures economics: you have to
build confidence in what you will do in the future, before you can even know
what you will have to do in the future This helps explain the political
commercials trying to convince voters that the election is really about
something else instead, such as terrorism possibilities which might or could
exist.
"Magic of the State?"
Michael Taussig
George Bush comes to NYC today. Will he wear a mask?
I see people clapping the police, the firemen, and the construction workers along the West Side Highway down at Christopher Street and outside St. Vincent's Hospital. They have American flags and crudely lettered cardboard signs saying "We Love You," and "The Bravest." There is a feeling of carnival in the air and the cars honk back. Foucault is famous for his idea of bio-power, that the modern state is dedicated not to punishment or violence but to life, that it practices a sort of manipulative altruism. Don't think of the hangman. Think of the fireman. An older wisdom than Foucault's has long maintained that war is the health of the state. A professor of history on NPR says he is encouraged that this will put an end to criticism of the police in NYC. Dawn of a new era.
Anonymous Comrade writes:
"Kerry vs. Kerry-Lite Stephen Gowans
Some advice to politically Left Americans. Most of you will cast a vote for John Kerry in November. There's not much doubt about it. And the reason you'll be backing Kerry is (a) you assume nothing could be worse than Bush, (b) the Democrats must be marginally better, because.well, because they're Democrats, (c) pressuring elites doesn't seem to be working and you can't think of anything else to do to stop "Bush's" drive to war, and (d) all those people who keep warning you about lesser evilism, can't seem to come up with anything better. So Kerry's your man. Oh sure, some of you admire Kucinich. Others even think well of Nader. But you know Kerry's going to be your go-to-guy come November.
NOT BORED! writes:
"When the Cure Is Worse Than the Disease"
What's being sold here [in the Budweiser radio commercials that use the music of Squeeze and the Dave Edmunds Band] is not name or personality but style. The familiar but chart-poor groups are not announced, and that anonymity provides an aural itch that you scratch when you remember the product with which the style is associated. The spots take the language of a performer and reduce it to two or three constituent elements; the result is that the performer's language — made of incipient cliches that, by means of a confrontation with a specific occasion of performance, are sometimes dissolved into an efflorescence that transcends cliche and extends language — is now reified into a single cliche hard enough to dominate any mere occasion. From now on, this is all the performer will have to say. His performance will communicate in terms of how well it approximates the reification of the commercial, not necessarily because the commercial will have been more widely or intensely heard than any other work by the performer (though it probably will have been), but because the commercial will have completed — in fact, realized — the performer's career. When one hears an old Squeeze or Dave Edmunds record, it will sound like an attempt to formulate a cliche — to produce a style so recognizable and narrow that it can be marketed as an object, as a thing — which is what the record will have been.
Greil Marcus has changed his mind since he wrote these words, back in 1987, when his "Real Life Top Ten" column was published in The Village Voice. He now says, "I think all songs should go up on this block [...] It's a way of finding out if songs that carry people with them, songs that seem tied to a particular time and place, can survive a radical recontextualization, or if that recontectualization dissolves them" (see "Bob Dylan After the 1994 Congressional Elections," in Double Trouble: Bill Clinton and Elvis Presley in a Land of No Alternatives, published in 2000).
"Billionaires for Bush? Well, Yes and No"
Donovan Slack, Boston Globe
There was a fraction of a moment when no one knew how to react. Outside the Park Plaza Hotel — where a boisterous crowd of protesters was chanting, beating drums, and bristling with antiwar signs meant for President Bush — a group of about a dozen approached. They were in ball gowns and suits and drinking champagne. "Bush and Cheney are good for us," they chanted.
"Look at all these liberal hippies coming around with their boo-hoo signs," said one of them, a woman in a silver lame wrap and designer sunglasses.
Some of the protesters turned, stunned. But then someone pointed to the signs the fancy-dresssed group was carrying — "Free the Enron Seven" and "Corporations are People Too!" — and the crowd erupted with shouts of approval. "We should let them get up front," somebody shouted, telling the crowd to part and let them pass toward the hotel.
Full story: Boston Globe
hydrarchist writes: "pinched from the excellent resource endpage".
"Sex, Race and Class"
Selma James
There has been enough confusion generated when sex, race and class have confronted each other as separate and even conflicting entities. That they are separate entities is self-evident. That they have proven themselves to be not separate, inseparable, is harder to discern. Yet if sex and race are pulled away from class, virtually all that remains is the truncated, provincial, sectarian politics of the white male metropolitan Left.
"A Fragment on Kropotkin and Giuliani"
Stefano Harney, Social Text #72
Kropotkin's history of the French Revolution has a
revealing chapter on anarchists. (1) Kropotkin notes
that they were greatly feared by both the Girondins
and the Jacobins, and they dominated many key moments
of action and deliberation in the Revolution. Yet they
left behind little direct trace, except in the
pamphlets of others in which they were attacked. And
Kropotkin's great history enacts this presence.
Anarchists are given only one short chapter, but they
are present as a force in every scene. They were the
people willing to make revolution at every turn, "even
against themselves." These anarchists were precisely,
in Kropotkin's history, both the movement and limits
of the French Revolution.
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