"Dominance and Its Dilemmas"

Noam Chomsky

Transcript of the speech given by Noam
Chomsky in Havana, Cuba on November 3, 2003

The past year has been a momentous one in world
affairs. In the normal rhythm, the pattern was set in
September, a month marked by several important and
closely related events.

The most powerful state in history announced a new
National Security Strategy asserting that it will
maintain global hegemony permanently: any challenge
will be blocked by force, the dimension in which the
US reigns supreme. At the same time, the war drums
began to beat to mobilize the population for an
invasion of Iraq, which would be "the first test [of
the doctrine], not the last," the New York Times
observed after the invasion, "the petri dish in which
this experiment in pre-emptive policy grew." And the
campaign opened for the mid-term congressional
elections, which would determine whether the
administration would be able to carry forward its
radical international and domestic agenda.

Rob writes:


FTAA Countdown in Miami

Threatening dissenting trade representatives with serious repercussions and promising those countries who open their markets to northern capital with friendly treatment, US trade representative Robert Zoellick has confidently predicted a successful round of negotiations in Miami. Absent from his confident calculations is the 20,000 protesters who will be on hand for days of demonstrations in opposition to the establishment of a Free Trade Area of the Americas. Fresh off a victory in Cancun we’re determined to make this round of capitalist talks another glorious failure.

"Postanarchism in a Nutshell"

Jason Adams


In the past couple of years there has been a growing
interest in what some have begun calling
"postanarchism" for short; because it is used to
describe a very diverse body of thought and because of
its perhaps unwarranted temporal implications, even
for those within this milieu, it is a term that is
more often than not used with a great deal of
reticence. But as a term, it is also one which refers
to a wave of attempts to try to reinvent anarchism in
light of major developments within contemporary
radical theory and within the world at large, much of
which ultimately began with the Events of May 1968 in
Paris, France and the intellectual milieu out of which
the insurrection emerged.

"Post-Anarchism Anarchy"

Hakim Bey (1987)

The Association for Ontological Anarchy gathers in
conclave, black turbans & shimmering robes, sprawled
on shirazi carpets sipping bitter coffee, smoking long
chibouk & sibsi. Question: What's our position on all
these recent defections & desertions from anarchism
(esp. in California-Land): condemn or condone? Purge
them or hail them as advance-guard? Gnostic elite...or
traitors?

"What's Wrong With Postanarchism?"

Jesse Cohn and Shawn Wilbur


What is now being called 'postanarchism' by some
thinkers, including Saul Newman, can take on many
forms, but the term generally refers to an attempt to
marry the best aspects of poststructuralist philosophy
and the anarchist tradition. One way to read the word,
thus, is as a composite: poststructuralism and
anarchism. However, the term also suggests that the
post- prefix applies to its new object as
well, implying that anarchism, at least as heretofore
thought and practiced, is somehow obsolete.


Together,
these two senses of the word form a narrative: an
aging, spent force (anarchism) is to be saved from
obsolescence and irrelevance by being fused with a
fresh, vital force (poststructuralism). We would like
to question this narrative's assumptions and
teleology, but not without some appreciation of what
it has to offer.

"Workers and Capital"

Mario Tronti

The Progressive Era

The working class after Marx can be approached historically in two ways. One is chronological. It reconstructs the great cycles of the labor struggle from the 1870s, followed by a series of facts that constitute its history. It would include the history of labor in industry, of industry in capital, of capital in politics and in political events, along with the great theorization -- what was once called the history of ideas -- the first sociology, the last systematic form attained by economics, and the birth of a new scientific discipline: that theory of technological reality which is the science of labor and the enemy of the worker. Traditional historiography encapsulates it between 1870 and 1914. To be generous and to avoid constantly upsetting the mental habits of the average intellectual, it may even be possible to enclose this epoch's first great block of facts in "their" history and move towards us and the new labor struggles constituting the real political drama of our side of the story -- even if it is only at its beginning


The other approach is to move through great historical events by pausing on macroscopic groups of facts yet untouched by the critical consciousness of labor thought (Pensiero operaio) and therefore excluded from a class understanding that translates them into a political use of their consequences. When relevant, these events isolate a fundamental aspect of capitalist society. They cut a cross-section that goes from a series of struggles to a set of political-institutional, scientific, or organizational answers.

"Can the Subaltern Speak German?
On Postcolonial Critique"

Hito Steyerl (May, 2002)

The debate on cultural globalization also often involves so-called postcolonial
theory. What does this encompass? According to Ruth Frankenbert and Lata Mani
(1993, 292), postcolonialism refers to a specific "conjuncture" of social force
fields and a type of political positioning in relation to local conditions.
Geopolitical power gradients strongly influence these social relations. They
influence the emergence of certain subjectivities -- and thus also the
production of art and the formation of the aesthetic and cognitive categories
of its perception. Since global power relations structure living conditions all
over the world today, according to Frankenberg and Mani's definition the place
where postcolonial power relations are in effect, is therefore equally
ubiquitous. This place is neither outside social practices nor beyond the
borders of western societies, but is rather reproduced within them as a social
relationship of simultaneous inclusion and exclusion.

"The Dialectic and 'The Party':

Lukács' History and Class Consciousness Reconsidered"

Peter Hudis

The startling discovery, made several years ago in an archive in Moscow, of a
heretofore unknown manuscript defending History and Class Consciousness by
its author, Georg Lukács, seemed destined to impel a reconsideration of one of
the most important chapters in the history of Marxism.
From the moment of its publication in 1923, History and Class Consciousness
was renowned for its creative attempt to restore the revolutionary nature of
Marx's thought through an extension and renovation of Hegel's dialectic. Neither
the Communist International's denunciation of the book in 1924, nor Lukács'
later "self-criticism" of it when he capitulated to Stalinism, lessened its
appeal for several generations of radicals drawn to its innovative discussion of
class consciousness, reification, and the dialectical interrelation between
subject and object. Nevertheless, Lukács' failure to speak out in defense of his
book following the attacks on it in 1924 led many to conclude that he
abandoned its perspective soon after its publication.

"Freezing the Movement:

Posthumous Notes on Nuclear War" (1983)

George Caffentzis

Preface (2003)

I found the following set of “posthumous notes” recently while I was cleaning up a closet. They were written, on the basis of memory and textual evidence, in the spring of 1983, right before I left the US to live and teach in Nigeria. Some of the material in these notes went into a couple of articles that were published then. One was in the "Posthumous Notes" (1983) issue of Midnight Notes and the other was in a piece entitled “The Marxist Theory of War” in the Radical Science Journal issue on the anti-nuclear war movement (1983). But they have since been unread and untroubled. My rediscovery of these notes puts them and me in a tight logical spot. I was supposed to have been dead (and reborn) according to these notes…but I clearly am neither. So their circulation now immediately falsifies them. Self-negating or not, I am hoping that these notes from the dead might be of use to the living at a time when nuclear war is again on the agenda. Anyway, please receive these notes as a gift on the Day of the Dead. -- November 2, 2003


A Lamentation

Oh that I had in the wilderness a lodging place of wayfaring men; that I might leave my people and go from here! for they be all adulterers, and assembly of treacherous men. -- Jeremiah, Lamentations 9:2

"The existence of the bomb paralyzes us. Our only motion a gigantic leap backward in what we take to be the minimal conditions of our existence whereby all desires, demands, struggles vanish; only our biological existence appears a valid cause. Don't kill us, exterminate us, burn us alive, make us witness the more most horrid spectacle the mind can imagine (?????), lived thousands of times in our fears watching the 7:00 News, reading the "scientific medical reports." Please let us live, that's all we ask, forget what this life will be like, forget about our now seemingly utopian dreams..."


But isn't this declaring we're already dead? Isn't this admitting the explosion has already worked, that we've already been blown to pieces hundreds of times when, of all our needs and struggles, only the will to survive remains? Worse yet. Isn't this declaration a most dangerous path? For when only people on their knees confront the powers that be, these powers feel godlike and justified, not restrained by the fear that should they dare so much, whoever of us will be left will make life impossible for them as well.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Raoul Vaneigem, Refusals and Passions"

An Interview with Francois Bott

CONVERSATION: The author of Treatise on Living for the Young Generations pursues his quest for happiness.

Lovers of Existence. In The Knight, the Lady, the Devil and Death, Raoul Vaneigem takes stock in the manner of the navigators. These aren't his Memoirs. He's asking the time. What time is it in my own existence? "It is a time in which the years efface themselves," Vaneigem writes in the Preamble. "They abandon us all the more easily because we have refused to count them. They only leave us in a forest that is both strange and familiar, worrisome and peaceful. . . ."

Born in 1934 in Lessines, Belgium, Raoul Vaneigem was, in his youth, one of the strollers of the big cities who plotted against the market society, and one of musketeers of the Situationist International, which spread the most subversive ideas. Published in 1967, his Treatise on Living for the Young Generations and Guy Debord's The Society of the Spectacle inspired the May 1968 movement and revived revolutionary hopes among the even the least dreamy.

Thirty-five years have passed. Guy Debord committed suicide on 30 November 1994. Retired to the countryside, not too far from Brussels, Raoul Vaneigem has continued to write, complement his Treatise with such works as The Book of Pleasures, Address to the Living, Declaration of Human Rights, The Era of the Creators. . . . Rustic writer, writer of the dawn, the old musketeer has lost none of his critical verve with respect to a world subservient to the dictatorship of money. This great lover of existence, launched since his youth in search of happiness, despite bad weather and bad days, has kept his refusals and passions with us.

Question: In The Knight, the Lady, the Devil and Death (editions Cherche Midi), you speak of your own existence, which is a manner of asking for the time. What time is it? [translator: English in original] "Where are you in time?" wrote the boxer-poet Arthur Cravan. Perhaps at a certain moment of their lives the fashion in which the writers asked the time was definitive and different. . . .