[This article continues from here.]

V: Analysis by Anecdote: Anti-war, Stopwar.ca and the City of Vancouver.

Solidarity is one of the catchwords of the left, always has been for
everyone, even a right social democrat. When people say 'solidarity' they
mean a multitude of things, but formerly it was said that (in the words of
Che Guevara) "Solidarity means sharing the same risks", yet now solidarity
now is used to mis-identify "I agree with you." But if it doesn't mean more
than that, it means nothing at all and is a superfluous word. I can only
give an example from my own recent activist life by way of telling
anecdotes. There are anti-war coalitions in every part of the industrialized
world now. They are, much like TUB's in imperialist countries, historically
relevant; nature abhors a vacuum and so do historical processes. It is worth
both the time and the energy to support the existing coalitions, to not
fight against them -- especially right now, during a reactionary triumphalism
emanating from Downing Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. However, we need to
have a look at what kind of politics these coalitions are bringing about,
and how they are functioning in terms of raising our own understanding of
what is happening.

Macdonald Stainsby submits:

Rise like Lions after slumber

In unvanquishable number --

Shake your chains to earth like dew

Which in sleep had fallen on you --

Ye are many -- they are few. -- Percy Shelley

"Neither Trade Talks Nor Peace Talks:

Notes On Resistance"

Macdonald Stainsby, July 2003

I: Introduction: By Way Of Analogy.

II: A Better World Is Possible: Practice It Now.

III: Nationalism: Canada and North America.

IV: Trade Unions, Imperialism and Revolution.

V: Analysis by Anecdote: Anti-war, Stopwar.ca and the City of Vancouver.

VI: On The Question Of Leadership.

VII: Palestine: What Kind Of World Are We Struggling For?

VIII: An End To Shame & A New Beginning.

Anonymous Kumquat submits:

"A Cardinal Visits the Anarchists"*

Interview with Pierre Bourdieu

[Conducted by Archibald Zurvan
on Radio Libertaire, Translated by Sharif Gemie. On 1 March 2001, Pierre Bourdieu discussed his most
recent work, Contre-feux no 2, pour un mouvement
social europen
[Counter-Attack 2: For a European
Social Movement
] (Editions Raison d'Agir, 30 francs),
on the "Weekly Diary" programme of Radio Libertaire.
As Bourdieu has been placed on the black list
by those who dominate the media, "Science's Cardinal
Ratzinger" [1] (as he was described by the editor of
the Temps Modernes: see Le Monde, 18 September 1998)
came to debate some points with the anarchists.]


Radio Libertaire: Why have you accepted the invitation
from the anarchists' radio station? Is it to publicize
your "Raisons d'Agir" collection? Don't you know that
RL, which is almost the only independent radio
station, only has a tiny audience even if they
are the elite of the listening public? How do you get
on with the official media?

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"On Epistemological Anarchism"

Paul Feyerabend

The hallmark of political anarchism is its opposition
to the established order of things: to the state, its
institutions, the ideologies that support and glorify
these institutions. The established order must be
destroyed so that human spontaneity may
come to the fore and exercise its right of freely
initiating action, of freely choosing what it thinks
is best. Occasionally one wishes to overcome not just
some social circumstances but the entire physical
world which is seen as being corrupt, unreal,
transient, and of no importance.

[This article continues from Barbarians, Part One]

GO TO WORK!

    The two emissaries describe the subjects as “multitude”, a neutral term of the quantitative sort taken from some scholars of the past that is useful for avoiding the encumbrance of using a qualitative description of sides. Their aim is to convince the subjects that although it may be true that the Empire shows many defects, it is also true that its existence is the result of a right and inevitable necessity. That if the Empire is the One that represents the Many, it is only because it expresses them in a precise arithmetical sum, not because it annihilates them inside itself. That its functioning is not something that the multitudes now suffer, but that they themselves have determined, intentionally or not. In a word, that the will of the Empire is not, in fact, opposed to the desires of the multitude, but that, on the contrary, it is their expression and realization, even if lacking -– which is why there is no reason whatsoever for wanting its destruction. Quite so!

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Barbarians: The Disordered Insurgence"

A Critique of Hardt & Negri’s Empire

By Crisso and Odoteo

[Translator’s Preface]

"Barbarians" by Crisso and Odoteo is a text of some importance for anarchists and anyone else who sincerely desires the destruction of this social world of exploitation and domination. It presents a devastating critique of a book that has become one of the most significant theoretical influences on a major part of the so-called anti-globalization movement, Empire by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. When one reads these two texts together, two opposing ways of using language are exposed. Hardt and Negri use a language that is obviously meant to conceal at least as much as it reveals, and that should immediately tip one off to the recuperative nature of their text. Crisso and Odoteo, on the contrary, use direct language as sharp as a barbarian’s sword to cut through the murky web of Hardt’s and Negri’s postmodern doublespeak to reveal the essentially anti-revolutionary core of their perspective.

   

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"The World:

Seven Thoughts In May of 2003"

Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos

Originally published in Spanish by www.revistarebeldia.org, translated by irlandesa

Introduction

While the Power's calendars break down, and while the large media
corporations vacillate between those absurdities and tragedies being
staged and promoted by the world?s political class, below, in the great
and extensive basement of the tottering modern Tower of Babel, the
movements are not ceasing and, even though they are still faltering, they
are beginning to regain the word and their ability to act as mirror and
lens. While the politics of discord are being decreed above, in the
basement of the world, the others are finding each other and the other
who, being different, is another below.

"The Title Structure"

Francisco Trindade


Francisco Trindade's new book is exclusively distributed in electronic format
through the site http://www.franciscotrindade.com (portuguse)

If you are interested in obtaining the book you will have to fill a form
(which is inside http://www.franciscotrindade.com) with the name or nick-name, and, most
importantly, the reason or reasons why you are asking for a copy of the
book.The motivation must be clearly explained.

If the reasons are not considered pertinent the request will not be
satisfied. A Estrutura do Título has the following price: 0.

The Title Structure:

From Globalisation to Self-Management

An exclusive production in electronic format without intermediates between
the author and the reader, and without the problem of money dictating
whatever kind of inhibition. Fuck copyright. Copyfree.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Lessons from the American Revolution"

John Chuckman, July 2, 2003




Many otherwise well-educated Americans know remarkably little about the actual circumstances of their country's birth. Assumptions about that early period, frequently offered as counterexamples to the current dangerous and dreary American government, too often contain little more than boyish daydreams of nobler times.



America's central myth about its founding goes something like this: An extraordinary bunch of men, dressed in frock coats and wearing powdered wigs, closeted together after a long and heroic war against tyranny, worked unselfishly to give the United States a perfect modern system of government.



Since they were men concerned with rights and abuses and the tyranny of absolute monarchy, they gave Americans a set of basic rights that is the envy of the world.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Only in America"

Eric Hobsbawm

Looking back on 40 years of visiting and living in the United States, I think I learned as much about the country in the first summer I spent there as in the course of the next decades. With one exception: To know New York, or even Manhattan, one has to live there. For how long? I did so for four months every year between 1984 and 1997, but even though my wife, Marlene, joined me for the whole semester only three times, it was quite enough for both of us to feel like natives rather than visitors.