Counterpunch, May 24, 2002

Stephen Jay Gould, 1942-2002, Farewell to a Great Fighter

by Jeffrey St. Clair

Look back at the life of the evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould and
we confront an astonishing fact: he was only 60 when he died at the start
of this week. It hardly seems possible that Gould could have done so much
work in so complex a field in so little time. His revolutionary theory of
punctuated equilibrium, nothing less than a wholesale rewrite of Darwin,
alone seems worthy of a career. That achievement came very early in his
life (he was 30), but he kept on refining and enhancing it right up to the
end. In March of this year, Gould, battling the cancer that would finally
end his life, published The Structure of Evolutionary Theory, a 1,500-page
treatise that will surely stand as one of the most important volumes in the
history of the biological sciences.

Yet, there was so much more to the man and his work.

Gould was an engaged academic in the best sense. He used his formidable
intellect and sharp prose to lay waste to charlatans who sought to use
pseudo-science for malign political purposes. At the top of the list was
Charles Murray, the right-wing sociologist, whose racist tract the Bell
Curve sought prove that blacks were intellectually inferior to whites and
genetically incapable of leading productive lives. It became a manifesto
for the Gingrich right in the early 90s, on the rampage to destroy what
remained of the federal government's social welfare system and justify its
own racist policies.

Gould's review in the New Yorker demolished Murray's tract as a pastiche of
fabricated statistics, perverted science and fraudulent conclusions. Here's
a taste of Gould at work: "The Bell Curve, with its claims and supposed
documentation that race and class differences are largely caused by genetic
factors and are therefore essentially immutable, contains no new arguments
and presents no compelling data to support its anachronistic social
Darwinism, so I can only conclude that its success in winning attention
must reflect the depressing temper of our time -- a historical moment of
unprecedented ungenerosity, when a mood for slashing social programs can be
power-fully abetted by an argument that beneficiaries cannot be helped,
owing to inborn cognitive limits expressed as low I.Q. scores."

full: counterpunch

Mockturtle writes

"Berlin was the first stop for that son of a humiliated warlord, that Texas executioner whom less than half of the few who did vote at all had voted for back in the days when air travel did not involve plastic cutlery. The oil man had chosen Europe in order to win support for his daddy’s vengeful fantasies involving the spectacular capture of an ally turned anti-christ who had remained a global somebody long after his arch enemy had been voted out of office for a sax playing hedonist with a soft spot for blow jobs. American politics, eh? But check out what happened in Germany these past few days.

Michael Hardt Interview, "New Forms of Power"

Zagreb Interview with Michael Hardt

by Ognjen Strpic

[broadcast on Croatian Radio, Third Program, 12. 5. 2002]

While we wait for the publishing of the Croatian translation of Hardt-Negri's
Empire, Michael Hardt visited Zagreb, where he gave two lectures,
organized
by past.forward (theory module of net-club mama) and performing arts
magazine Frakcija. Between the lectures, we talked about some of the
less
discussed aspects of their work in Empire.

Louis Lingg writes "In June 1999 the National Intelligence Council commissioned the Federal Research Division to draft a report on the then-current literature on terrorism written by experts inside and outside government. The report was delivered in September 1999.

In December 2001 the Library of Congress posted this report, 'The Sociology and Psychology Of Terrorism: Who Becomes a Terrorist and Why?' on their website.

Additional material by the Federal Research Division on terrorism, including a report on media interaction with the public in emergencies is available at http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/terrorism.htm."

hydrarchist writes: The following is an interview by Matt Fuller and Snafu with Franco Berardi, Bifo, that took place by email during May and June 2001 focussing around the themes of his new book describing the development of the 'Cognitariat'. The 'Factory of Unhappiness', (La fabbrica dell¹infelicità. New economy e movimento del cognitariato) was recently published by Derive Approdi.


MF: In your new book, 'The Factory of Unhappiness' you describe a class formation, the 'cognitariat' - a conflation of cognitive worker and proletarian, working in 'so-called jobs'. You've also previously used the idea of the 'Virtual Class'. What are the qualities of the conitariat and how might they be distinguished from this slightly higher strata depicted by Kroker and Weinstein in 'Data Trash'?


Bifo: I like to refer to the concept of virtual class, which is a class that does not actually exist. It is only the abstraction of the fractal ocean of productive micro-actions of the cognitive workers. It is a useful concept, but it does not comprehend the existence (social and bodily) of those people who perform virtual tasks. But the social existence of virtual workers is not virtual, the sensual body of the virtual worker is not virtual. So I prefer to speak about cognitive proletariat (cognitariat) in order to emphasize the material (I mean physical, psychological, neurological) disease of the workers involved in the net-economy.

hydrarchist writes: "

[From the Northeastern Anarchist #4, ordering info at the end]


Fighting to Win!: Anarchists and the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty

by Jeff Shantz (NEFAC-Toronto, OCAP)


The Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) is a direct action
anti-poverty organization which, since 1989, has fought bosses and governments of all stripes in Ontario, left (so-called), right and center to defend the needs of poor people and to work for a future where people are able to live decently. In doing so, OCAP has become the focal point of resistance to neoliberal capitalism in Canada's largest province. It has also become a strong pole of attraction for class struggle anarchists in Toronto. This article outlines the political context in Ontario, how OCAP fights, and some of the connections with anarchists. The discussion should
make clear why most class struggle anarchists in Toronto are involved with OCAP.

Anonymous Comrade writes:
'America's Heartland'


By John Chuckman

YellowTimes.org Columnist (Canada)


"Such, such were the joys." George Orwell


(YellowTimes.org) – A young man from Minnesota was arrested recently in connection with a number of pipe bombs placed in rural mailboxes across America's Heartland. According to reports, his ambitious and imaginative plan included leaving bombs in the pattern of a gigantic, multi-state smiley face, presumably as observed from outer space. He left messages along with his bombs, messages containing the delusional ramblings one associates with anti-government residents of remote compounds stocked with automatic weapons, ammo, and freeze-dried rations.


Having grown up in the region, this richly-nuanced bit of Heartland Americana just naturally set me reminiscing.


There were the hot summer nights spent in a cinder-block chapel at Camp Sycamore (not its real name). Here, every night, an evangelist with greasy, swept-back hairdo and heavy black-rimmed glasses, a la Buddy Holly, shouted and sputtered, spewing beads of sweat and saliva visibly into the stage-lighting, trying his hardest to scare a bunch of thirteen-year olds half to death in an effort to win souls for Jesus.


It didn't matter that most of the kids were already church members, because in the Heartland there never was too much of a good thing. And clearly, judging by how intensely the topics were seized upon, the end of the world and crazed tales of hell were good things. They were closely associated in my mind with the air-raid drills we experienced each week in elementary school. Both served to keep the fear of hell vivid. The sirens wailed over the city every Tuesday morning, and the kids were marched out into the hall to crouch near the walls. That was how we were going to survive a five-megaton blast.


Apart from Camp Sycamore's long, sweaty service each evening, there were crack-of-dawn devotions, a prayerful flag-raising, two long classes every morning on subjects along the lines of what awful diseases you can get from loose girls and the benefits of cold showers, bedtime devotions back in the cabin, plus an ostentatious grace over every serving of spaghetti or "sloppy joes" with Kool-Aid.


The experience at least taught an observant young man a good deal about the methods and purposes of tyranny. It was a few years later, after reading Allan Bullock on Hitler, that I realized that the Buddy-Holly preacher at Camp Sycamore had more in common with Adolf than Jesus. And all that panic-laden, nuclear-attack stuff at school owed more to Goebbels than concern for public safety. Still later, I understood that there is a connection between the fundamentalist obsession over the destruction of the world and Hitler's Götterdämmerung-destruction of Germany when his bid to rule Europe had failed. Nihilism is a common thread.


The local churches paid for this delightful spiritual experience, supposedly a treat for city kids, the camp being located in some woods near a small lake away from the hubbub of the city.


My local church, despite a large, neon-outlined "Jesus Saves" sign over the entrance, was occasionally stirred by events other than preserving souls from eternal damnation. I remember when a single black girl quietly started attending church. There was a good deal of whispering and one deacon felt that someone should speak to her about being more comfortable going somewhere else. When John Kennedy ran for president, quarter-dollar coins with a dab of red fingernail polish suggesting a Catholic cardinal's cap on Washington's head circulated.


When Timothy McVeigh put Oklahoma City on the map by trying to erase it, there were many editorials and columns opining how such a terrible thing could happen in the Heartland. The Heartland: that mythical place of cherry pie, gingham dresses, honesty, and big-hearted neighbors. Dorothy's Kansas. Little House on the Prairie. I detected a certain feebleness of insight in these pieces. There was nothing to be surprised about.


Despite the definition of "America's Heartland" being a little vague (of course, that is the secret of all good advertising slogans, to suggest attractively without the concrete of facts), I did think, at first, it was stretching things a bit to locate events in Oklahoma on that mythical real estate. The Midwest was the Heartland, but perhaps that identification was just residual chauvinism.


The fact is that the Midwest has always been more accurately pictured by the brutality of bloody Kansas just before the Civil War than by the schmaltz of Dorothy's Kansas, for even though the "Wizard of Oz" is a parable about American politics, its popularity has nothing to do with that fact. Crazed gangs, violent racist attitudes, and a dedication to choking your views down the throats of others are just some of the cultural landmarks that never make it into sugary television shows or Hollywood movies about the place.


However, when it turned out that the bomber was Timothy McVeigh, a young man whose high ambition had been to join that gang of professional killers, the Green Berets, a veteran of the Gulf War who reportedly demonstrated considerable enthusiasm in using his anti-tank gun on submissive or retreating troops (Oh, how I remember the American pilots, strafing and incinerating lines of Iraqi troops retreating from Kuwait City, caught chortling on the radio about how this was "Jus' like shootin' fish in a barrel!"), and someone who grew up in the area around Buffalo, New York, I accepted the usage as appropriate.


Buffalo, while not properly part of the Midwest, is definitely a close spiritual relative. Not just in its treasury of Frank Lloyd Wright and Louis Sullivan buildings, Frederick Law Olmsted parks, and location on a Great Lake, but right down to its flat-vowel, nasally accent and many colorful cultural attitudes.


Ted Kaczynski, the Unabomber, grew up and got his start maiming and killing around Chicago. He moved on to pursue the greater part of his career from a remote cabin out West, a fact which may reflect the early formative influence of a place like Camp Sycamore.


When I was growing up, Chicago had a colorful local personality named George Lincoln Rockwell, Fuhrer of the American Nazi Party. It might seem a little odd to outsiders that a band of grown men would dress up in brown outfits with jackboots, cross-belts, and armbands and tromp around with riding crops during the 1960s, but that only proves how unfamiliar outsiders are with the ways of the American Heartland.


A friend of mine through some years in school, a young man of above-average intelligence and with many well-informed views, someone whose father was a Russian Jew and had experienced the horrors of the Eastern Front, fell upon the hobby of collecting Nazi memorabilia. It started innocently enough with an Iron Cross or two but eventually grew to something that might furnish a small museum with armbands, SS insignia, helmets, special medals engraved with Hitler's signature, officers' daggers, bayonets, and Mauser rifles. I do believe that the American Midwest is one of the few places on earth where you could find such a jumbled cultural oddity.


Recently, the remarkable English journalist Robert Fisk wrote a piece on why Hollywood actor John Malkovitch wants to kill him, something the actor, upset over Fisk's reporting from the Mideast, apparently ranted about in a speech on a visit to England. But I think Fisk is likely unaware that Malkovitch comes from the Midwest, actually the Chicago area, or he would not think there is anything unusual in his behavior. People do threaten to kill people there because they don't like their views or their color. It's just that kind of place.


One of my most intense Heartland-memories is of a young man I had known in elementary school. In high school, we rarely saw each other as our interests were different. Walking home one day, I caught up with him, and he invited me to his apartment, somewhere I had never been.


It was a very handsome apartment, and I thought how nice it was that he had his own room. He suddenly asked me whether I could keep my mouth shut if he showed me something. Of course, I replied, having no idea what he was talking about but also being rather intimidated by his sudden manner.


He opened a drawer and showed me a "zip gun," basically a gadget with pipe and a handle and a rubber-band-powered mechanism for firing a bullet chambered in the pipe. I couldn't understand why he was showing it to me.


But he went on to describe how he took it with him when he and some other guys would pile into a car on a Friday night and drive to the black ghetto for some fun. With weirdly gleeful eyes, he explained how much fun it was trying to run down "niggers" crossing the street at night, watching them run for their lives in the headlights.


I went home feeling frightened and sick, unable to understand why anyone did such things or bragged about them. This was one of the events that later riveted my thoughts when Lyndon Johnson decided it was a good and patriotic thing to go over and kill countless Vietnamese so that those left standing could enjoy the blessings of Coca-Cola and cheeseburgers. It was so painfully easy to put a face to the guys that were going to have a good time carrying out the orders.


Later, not long after leaving high school, there was a young cop who used to do some extra work acting as a guard in the department store where I worked. He was a beefy figure, perhaps ten years older, with pock-marked face and almost washed-out blue eyes. He would sometimes pause a few moments and talk to me. As a tall, skinny teenager who read books and drew pictures, I was somewhat fascinated with him and experiences I could barely imagine.


Once I asked him whether he had ever used his gun. Sure, he quietly said, proceeding to describe answering a call for a robbery once and cornering "this jig kid" with something in his hand. The kid wouldn't respond to an order to drop it, so my friend the policeman shot him in the face, killing him. He told the story with no emotion.


But hatred and violent stupidity weren't just on one side. When I started elementary school, we lived in a very poor neighborhood. The local school was almost all black, and I walked to school reading the ominous graffiti left by the Blackstone Rangers everywhere. But it wasn't just graffiti. Every day I was intimidated, shoved, laughed at, and knocked down on my way to school or in the school yard. Years later, that's why I would understood exactly how a little black girl in Selma felt trying simply to go to school.


Yes, the Heartland is full of unusual stories. It is a mysterious, fascinating place, one that leaves an intoxicating spell on you many years afterward. Of course, I remind myself, it could have been worse. I could have grown up in the South.


John Chuckman encourages your comments: jchuckman@YellowTimes.org


YellowTimes.org encourages its material to be reproduced, reprinted, or broadcast provided that any such reproduction must identify the original source, http://www.YellowTimes.org. Internet web links to http://www.YellowTimes.org are appreciated."

Anonymous Comrade writes "

Anti-Capitalism or State Capitalism?


Black Flag Anti-Capitalist Special


A new movement has appeared, one which has made a name for itself in its militancy, its willingness to consider alternatives to the status quo, to accept with pride the name "anti-capitalist."


Sadly, Globalise Resistance is not part of that movement. Eschewing any explicit anti-capitalist label, it claims to be "a network of groups opposed to the global growth of corporate power." It is a "central organising goal of unity-in-diversity among the anti-globalisation, environmental, anti-privatisation and human rights movements." No mention of anti-capitalism.

A MODEST ANTI-WAR PROPOSAL

We've been handed a grim timetable, and a rare opportunity. According to a recent New York Times article by Thom Shanker and David E. Sanger, dated 4-28-02: "The Bush administration, in developing a potential approach for toppling President Saddam Hussein of Iraq, is concentrating its attention on a major air campaign and ground invasion, with initial estimates contemplating the use of 70,000 to 250,000 troups [...] early next year." The Bush administration officially denied this scenario the very next day, of course. But whether it's a nixed "confrontation with Hussein this fall," or a more probable one next spring, or even war next fall in order to avoid "summer combat in bulky chemical suits," a US military attempt to overthrow Saddam is about as inevitable as Bush mangling the English language.


Aggy k & And writes "Recent years have seen the large growth of northern social movements resisting capital and corporate globalisation - often focusing on international trade regulation bodies and increasingly on borders and freedom of movement. In much overseas commentary these movements have been regarded as demonstrating a marked shift from 'traditional' methods of organising. This shift is from hierarchical and bureaucratic methods of organisation to more decentralised and participatory models.


The goal of autonomous movements is to transcend nation states, not capture them. - George Katsiaficas