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From the International newsletter of the SUF, Jan 005
"Free Public Transport!"
An Introduction to Planka.nu*
Swedish Anarchosyndicalist Youth Federation
* The word "planka" is swedish slang meaning something like "free riding" (a
verb). "Nu" means "now". A fair translation of Planka.nu would therefore be
"Free Ride Now! "
The campaign Planka.nu has more than any other syndicalist practice during
the last years drawn attention to itself and generated debate. What has
organized free riding to do with syndicalism? That is what we will try to
sort out.
For those of you who have missed what this has been about, a short resume:
Planka.nu was started by SUF in Stockholm and has recently gotten
subsidiaries in Gothenburg and Helsinki. The goal is free public
transportation, which certainly isn't an unrealistic demand. The Stockholm
underground is already financed partially by taxes, but many politicians
would for ideological reasons want to raise the prices and lower the
taxes. The method used by Planka.nu has been widely debated. To encourage
free riding and running the P-kassa, a kind of solidarity fund that is
open for everyone who pays a fee of 100 SEK (about 10 euro) per month. The
fund then pays the fine of 800 SEK for those who get caught.
Anonymous Comrade writes: Breaking the Ice: Anarchist Men and Sexism in the Movement
Ernesto Aguilar
In Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil
Rights Movement the New Left Sara Evans writes in painful
detail about the mistreatment of women in political movements. Her
narrative is a sober reminder that sexism within movements has been
going on for years. Today we have many ongoing dialogs about sexism in
the anarchist movement. Most are led by women, and they have created a
space in which to engage constructively. Anarchist men are
unfortunately often silent on the issue of sexism and gender inequity
in our movement. As a male in a visible position, I'm both at fault for
not being more outspoken on it, and for being sexist and wrong on many
occasions. Without honest and self-critical efforts by men, efforts for
change could be for naught, because we are part of the problem. I write
this in hopes that other anarchist males take it upon themselves to act
on sexism and gender inequity and make both priorities.
In the days Evans writes about, many mistakes were made in focusing on
individual lifestyles rather than structural issues. These days, we
make some of the same errors. In my opinion, this discussion is
positioned around three points: 1.) understanding that the debate over
sexism and issues related to female-male relations isn't so much a
debate about actions, but legitimacy; 2.) understanding that all men
are responsible, and that we need to be forthright in admitting our
mistakes as a matter of political, rather than moral/personal,
principle; and 3.) understanding that anarchist women and men must take
an active role in shifting the dispute beyond individual-based
'accountability' and toward a community-based system of restorative
justice.
Alan Moore writes:
From ZNet, the Parecon section
http://www.zmag.org/weluser.htm
A Call to Artists: Support Parecon
by Jerry Fresia; December 15, 2004
A history of art over the last 100 years, not as the history of the product, the piece, but as the history of decision making within our industry, is the history of investors acquiring greater control over the distribution, the definition, and the making of art products – and thus over who we are. It is the history of power slipping further from the people who make the piece to the people who profit from the piece. Yes, there are individual art stars aplenty. But as workers in an industry, we are being ground into dust.
CIRCA–BF writes:
The Politics of Being Clandestine Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army–Border Faction
The Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army–Border Faction (CIRCA-BF) consists of 33 rotating members who come from different affinity groups, collectives, and disOrganizations. We are all locals; we are all multinationals. We are a network of bodies without organs. We are in your group, your class, your family, your television, your neighborhood. You don't see us, but that is exactly our strength: our invisibility.
The Aestheticization of Politics
To not exist is our goal. Until then, we will joyously work hard to construct the conditions that allow for moments of autonomy and spontaneity to occur. Unpredictability, Spontaneity, Risk — these elements are being systematically eliminated from the practice of everyday life. We (dis)organized a Reclaim the Streets on January 20th in symbolic solidarity with the counter-inauguration protests in DC in order to retrieve the self-empowering aforementioned characteristics and import them back into the practice of everyday life. We believe that creative, nonviolent direct action is the appropriate methodology for achieving these ends.
This article was written for the Precarity issue of Green Pepper which is currently shipping. Contact them or
http://www.autonomedia.org">autonomedia to have copies of this provocative and beautifully produced textual side-arm!
Manufacturing Dissent, Creating Complicity
Alan Toner
"Language... is the danger of all dangers, because it is that which begins by creating the possibility of a danger." — Holderlin
What role remains for the 'media-activist' when computing, telecommunications devices and cameras have become socially ubiquitous? Media and creative intervention cease to be the privilege of 'specialist' activists and professionals, and this is positive. So how does the relationship between communications and agitation mutate? This piece concentrates on communication's function as interface between the protagonists of social conflict and diffuse social discontent. I argue that the key lies in evolving communication-focussed rather than media-driven strategies, developing shared infrastructure, and creating collective narratives.
Anonymous Comrade writs: The following interview with Spc. Aidan Delgado, a conscientious objector who spent six months of a one-year tour of Iraq at Abu Ghraib prison, appears in the Spring 2005 issue of LiP Magazine. Delgado will be presenting a slideshow and talk about his experiences on Sunday, Jan. 30, 2005 (Iraqi election day), in San Francisco at the Beta Lounge, 1072 Illinois at 22nd Street, at 7:30. For more information contact boal at sonic dot net.
In Good Conscience An interview with conscientious objector Aidan Delgado by SCOTT FLEMING
Aidan Delgado, 23, was a Florida college student looking for a change when he decided to join the army reserve. It was his misfortune to sign an enlistment contract on the morning of September 11, 2001. After finishing the paperwork, he saw a television broadcast of the burning World Trade Center and realized he might be in for more than one weekend a month of low-key service. In the ensuing months, Delgado became dedicated to Buddhism and its principles of pacifism. By April 2003, when he began his yearlong tour in Iraq, he was openly questioning whether he could participate in the war there in good conscience. Having grown up in Cairo, Delgado spoke Arabic and had not been steeped in the racism that drove many of his fellow soldiers. When he surrendered his rifle and declared himself a conscientious objector in the middle of 2003, he was punished by his officers and ostracized by his peers. His unit, the 320th Military Police Company, spent six months in the southern city of Nasiriyah, and another six months helping to run the notorious Abu Ghraib prison outside Baghdad. Now out of the army, Delgado says the prison abuse that has been covered by the likes of 60 Minutes and the New Yorker was the tip of the iceberg: Brutality, often racially motivated, infected the entire prison and the entire military operation in Iraq.
"John L. Hess and His Times"
Alexander Zaitchik, NY Press
If one man ever gave blogging a good name, it was John L. Hess, who died last week of heart failure at 87. As late as New Year's Eve, Hess was speaking his sharp mind through his website, johnlhess.blogspot.com. There, as in his raspy-voiced daily commentaries for WBAI, the nation's oldest working media critic spat well-aimed poison darts at his favorite targets: bad food writing, lying politicians and the New York Times, Hess' journalistic home for a quarter century.
If anyone is quietly pleased with Hess' passing, they likely work in a big newspaper building at 229 W. 43rd St. Since leaving the paper in 1978, Hess has been a merciless shadow ombudsman for the Times, a role that culminated in the 2003 publication of My Times, his tell-all account of his long and varied career at the paper. During his years with the Times, Hess was food critic, city reporter, foreign correspondent, desk editor and obit writer. (One can only speculate how much this last post helped him prepare for last week.)
My Times is Hess' monument to the future. It is a devastating account of how the paper helped Robert Moses ravish the Bronx and Pat Moynihan libel the poor; how it blew My Lai, Watergate and the banking scandals that almost bankrupted the city; how it played along with the CIA abroad and Con Ed and Lilco at home; how it helped to wreck the campaign for national health insurance.
In unpacking all of this and more, Hess makes a convincing case that the Times has never been among the best newspapers in the world, just the most powerful. In many important ways, Hess believed the Times remarkably poor for a major daily — over- and poorly edited, over-staffed, puffed-up and power worshiping. The self-satisfaction the paper took in being a loyal mouthpiece for the Establishment is summed up by former Times foreign editor Emanuel Freedman, who once told Hess, "I don't know why everybody wants to be a reporter — always asking questions."
Not surprisingly, the Times failed to review or mention My Times upon its release, even as Judith Miller was busy confirming its thesis. Hess once told me that someone high on the masthead ordered a large batch of the memoir, but the first mention of the book to appear in the paper was Douglas Martin's smug Jan 22. obituary. My Times, writes Martin, "mixed some acerbic memories [of the paper] with the occasional grudging compliment." Mostly, the book was a showcase for Hess' "curmudgeonly manner."
Besides illustrating Hess' point about Times editing — can memories be "acerbic"? — the obit is a pathetic attempt to gloat over the body of a man that brought so much acclaim to the paper during his career, and did so much to keep it honest in his retirement.
"Fascism, Terror, Pavlov's Dog, Fear and Security:
Bush and a Brave New Gilead of 1984"
A. Cascadian
In an Orwellian reality come true where Oceania is at war with
Eastasia one moment and Eurasia the next moment now the fascist
controlled United States continues a dystopian policy of perpetual
war. The father of fascism, Benito Mussolini, once said, "War is to
man what maternity is to a woman. From a philosophical and doctrinal
viewpoint, I do not believe in perpetual peace."
In Orwell's 1984 war was not for conquest of another nation-state or
territory, but was a means to control the society by means of fear and
a forced ignorance.
Anonymous Comrade writes:
"Freedom on Steroids"
John Chuckman
A writer at The Times counted 27 references to freedom in Bush's inaugural speech. The speech contained not one reference to his ugly war in Iraq, but for hundreds of thousands of Iraqis the only freedom established by Bush's invasion was their freedom to miserable deaths or future lives as cripples.
Bush promised he would bring freedom to the world's dark corners. It is worth noting that none of the world's people asked Bush to assume such a task, and every poll of those living outside the United States shows Washington now widely regarded as one of the world's darkest corners, a source of fear itself rather than freedom from fear.
Quirk writes Venture Communism
Venture Communism is a revolutionary investment strategy, a form of workers struggle designed to enclose labour into an anarcho-syndicalist economy which, in the endgame, literally buys the world from the Capitalists.
-=The Bluffer's Guide to the Political Economy=-
Wealth and Poverty describe the extremes of entitlement to the productivity of the economy, if your share is large, you are wealthy, if your share is small, you are poor.
All productive capacity of the economy is the result of the application of the three factors of production: Land, Labour and Capital.
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