Manifesto of the GIP Manifesto rometype, signed by J.-M Domenahc, Michel Foucault, P. Vidal Naquet, read by Michel Foucault and distributed to the press on rh 8 February 1972 in the church of Saint Bernard of Montparnasse during the stopping of the hunger strike by the imprisoned militants of Gauche Proletarienne and their support committee. M.Foucualt had to appear before a court for the printing of leaflets without mention of the printer. After the disbanding on the 27 May 1970 of the movement of Maoist inspiration called GP, numerous militants were jailed for reconstitution of a disbanded league. A crime that included the mere sale of the newspaper La Cause du Peuple. In September 1970, then once again in January 1971, the jailed activists undertook a hunger strike to be recognized as political prisoners, a status that implied certain rights of meeting/association. The wished also to draw attention to the prison system. D. Defert, who participated in the little cell charged with preparing politically the trial of the imprisoned, proposed to M. Foucault to drive/lead a commissio0n of inquiry into the prisons as there had been on the health of juveniles during the popular court of Lens, and of which JP Sartre had been the prosecutor. A history of the prison being the logical and declared follow-up to L’Histoire de la Folie (Madness and civilization), M.Foucault accepted the project with enthusiasm, but transformed the idea of a commission of inquiry, a judicial term, int6o Information Group, which insisted both on a collective experience of thought (reflection) and a prise de parole seizing of speech by the detainees. It was also a matter of mobilizing specific intellectuals: magistrates, doctors, social workers… and to decompartmentalizing them through the production of information at the side of the detainees: the investigators become (are) the investigated. Thus was born the GIP, the Prison Information Group. The effects were several. One of the first was the entry into the p[risons by the daily press and radio stations, up until that time forbidden, and to problematize a mythology of the political discourse of the proletariat and lumpenproletariat. This external support encouraged a movement of revolt which shook thirty five establishments, some of which were practically sacked in the winter of 1971-72. The GIP contributed to a shifting the emphasis of political activism after 1970. On its model was created the GIS, or Health Information Group, desegregating doctors and sick, the GIA or Asylum Information Group, the GISTI, or Information and Support group for immigrant Workers. Foucault delayed for two years the writing of his book “on punishments” so that detainees could not assume that he had only a speculative self-interest in their activism whose basis he modified. (laquelle en modifia les bases). None of us is sure of escaping prison. Less so today than ever. On our everyday life, police control tightens: in the street and on the roads; around foreigners and youth: crimes of opinion have reappeared: anti-drug initiatives (mesures) increase arbitrary power. We are under the sign of “police custody”. We are told that the law is overwhelmed. We see it. But what if it was the police who overwhelmed it? We are told that the prisons are overcrowde3d. But what if it was the population who were over-imprisoned? Little information is published about the prisons; it is one of the hidden regions of our social system, one of the black boxes of our lives. We have the right to know, we want to know. That is why, with magistrates, lawyers, journalists, doctors, psychologists, we have formed the Prison Information Group. We propose to make known what is the prison: who goes there, how and why one goes there, what happens there, what is the life of prisoners and, equally, of the surveillance personnel, what are the buildings, the food, the hygiene, how do the internal rules function, medical; examinations, the workshops: how does one get out and what it is, in our society, to be one of those who has got out. This information is not in the official reports that we will find. We will ask it of those who have, on whatever account, experience of the prison or a relationship to it. We ask them to get in contact with us and communicate to us what they know. A questionnaire has been drafted that can be requested. As soon as they are sufficiently numerous, the results of it will be published. It is not for us to suggest a reform. We want only to make known the reality. And to make it known immediately, almost day by day; because time is short. It’s a question of alerting public opinion and keeping it alert. We will try to use every means of communication (jinofr4mation): dailies, weeklies, monthlies. We thus appeal to every possible organ. Lastly, it is good to know what threatens us; but it is also good to know how to defend oneself. One of our first tasks will be to publish a little ‘Manual of the Perfect Arrest, doubled obviously as a Notice to the Arrester. All those who wish to inform, be informed or to participate in the work can write to GIP: 285, rue de Vaugirard, Paris -XV On Prisons From J’Accuse, 15 March 1971, p.26 The Prison Information Group has just launched its first inquiry (investigation). It’s not a sociologists’ investigation. It’s a matter of giving voice to those who have an experience of prison. Not that they need to be helped to “become conscious”; the consciousness of oppression is there, perfectly clear, knowing very well who enemy is. But the current system refuses them the means of expressing themselves, of organizing themselves. We want to break the double isolation in which detainees find themselves locked up: through our inquiry, we want them to be able to communicate amongst themselves, transmitting what they know and speaking to each other from prison to prison, and from cell to cell. We wish that they address the population and that the population speaks to them. It is necessary that these experiences, these isolated revolts turn themselves into common knowledge and coordinated practice. Groups are forming, bringing together ex-detainees, prisoners’ families, layers, doctors, activists, all those who have decided to no longer tolerate the current prison regime. It is up to them to launch in the country, and in Paris, new inquiries, to gather and to distribute information, to imagine new modes of action. The prisons must no longer be left in peace, anywhere. The hunger strike of last January forced the press to speak. Let’s take advantage of that opening (gap); may the intolerable, imposed by force and silence, cease to be accepted. Our investigation is not done so as to accumulate knowledge but to nurture our intolerance and make of it an active intolerance. Let’s become intolerant regarding prisons, the law, the hospital system, psychiatric practice, military service etc. As first act of this , a questionnaire is regularly distributed at the gates of certain prisons and to all those who can know or who want to act. D&E 174-176. Inquest Survey

Rome's destitution breeds the most absurd and saddening innovations. On friday evening as reached the ancient walls that mark the junction of Via Marsala and Via Castro Pretorio, women and men waited for the cars to stop at the lights. They then leaped out and began polishing the windows, but it was raining and the had no soap, so effectively they were just drying the car windows, as the drops fell reversing their efforts. Occasionally a guilt-ridden driver wound down the window to deposit some coins in their hands - this is the mortal economy in a naked and brutal form, and serves as reminder not to romanticize previous epochs based upon forms of value and exchange preceding the commodity. The same thought occurs to me now reading the gift exchange literature; the net has been celebrated as an instance of a potlatch economy by gushing anthropolgists, but the conveying of a gift left the recipient in hoc, in debt, under obligation, confirmed once again in her place in the social pecking order, which is an ironic use of the word her as women formed part of the goods that were in fact exchanged. Freedom has many facets, and one of them is precisely being able to walk into a shop and get what you need without having to justify who you are and what you do,

L'Insorgenza Disordinata - a critique of Empire penned in polemical voice from a libertarian perspective. Rather decent, although the 'debate' is so determined by identitarian politics here that it's unlikely to make an enormous impact on those influenced by Negri.

The day O'Duffy came to Galway...... God, will I ever forget it. There were about 2,000 cops in the square there in Galway. I remember one of the Walsh's designating myself and two other fellas to do a job. And the job they gave us was; "Duffy was in this hotel and they said when he is coming through the door there will be a fellow in front of him with a flag. It is your job to take the flag. Get the bloody flag. To me that meant nothing, no problem at atll. I reckoned, being handy with my fists, I could take a flag from anyone. All O'Duffy's supporters were around the hotel door and we moved in amongst them. then this party came through the door with the Blueshirt flag, and my mates were there too, and we jumped forward and swiped it. But they must have expected us, for when I came to after being knocked out, I was about 25 feet from the hotel door. I did not know what had happened but I was split and pumping blood all over. The platform for O'Duffy was futher over in Eyre Square; I don't know who did it but one of our crowd ran in through the hotel door, up the stairs and out through a window and straight through the roof of a car, O'Duffy's car. The cops then baton charged us to the bottom of the hill, to where the cinema used to be, it was burnt down before that and a lot of people were burnt at the time. There was a garage, Higgins', but around the corner there were lines of broken stones for road repairs. We lured them around the corner and we pelted them with stones; it was like bullets with the rocks flying as we belted them up the street, it was crazy. There was an old docker there, Michael John Burke and another fellow; they were not in the IRA but were anti-establishment. I remember one of them getting up on an old weighbridge there in Galway and I got up with him, and the cops came up on ladders to the top of the weighbridge and knocked both of us off. It was about fourteen foot to the ground. No Quarter. Testimony of Pierce Fennell, from The IRA in the Twilight Years, Uinseann MacEoin pg 550-551

End of Burlesque Last Saturday saw the conclusion of the second trial in the Marini investigation - named after the prosecuting magistrate in the case - that commenced with raids all over Italy in September of 1996. The trial began in October 1997 and was postulated on the existence of an imaginary anarchist organisation by the name of ORAI - the Organization of Revolutionary Insurrectionary Anarchists, ideologically guided by Alfredo Bonnano, known in english for his pamphlets published by Elephant Press. At least 58 people initially faced charges for a wide variety of offenses, some of them on simply ideological charges, others for specific offenses, including kidnapping, armed robbery and murder. The first case ended in May 2000 with the exoneration of all the accused on the charge of armed band and the conviction of 13 (from an original 63, for individual offenses. Beginning of Hard Time At the conclusion of the second degree trial (in Italy there can be as many as four trials before the process is exhausted) six people were sentenced to long prison sentences, including Bonanno who recieved six years. Significantly the convictions included a charge of subversive association which had been rejected at first instance for a larger group; all those connected with a cellar raided by police in Rome, where weapons were found and which was presumed to be the headquarters, went down on this count. Amongst those charged at first degree were Horst Fantazzini, who died of a heart attack in jail at sixty one years of age shortly after being rearrested on suspicion of intention to commit robbery, and Jean Weir, a scottish woman. While the timing of this decision is almost certainly coincidental, it is certainly propitious from the government's point of view. Interior Minister Pisanu presented his report on terrorism, as is currently in vogue, signaling the danger constituted by a diffuse area of political illegality and alluding to similarities between the current situation and the 1970s. Pisanu's fantasies were understood generally as targeting the Disobedienti - a synthesis of former White Overalls (Tute Bianche), the youth wing of Rifondazione Communista, Francesco Carruso's Rete No Global and others - and interpreted as a preemptive strike against the anti-war movement in Italy which already demonstrated its massive scale in the demonstration of a 500,000 to a 1,000,000 that closed the European Social Forum in Florence. The Disobedienti have been an important force in those mobilizations, and government spin-doctors identifying extra-parliamentary activity with terrorism has been a hallmark of this regime's style. Witches Brew http://www.statewatch.org/news/2003/feb/02italy.htm Thus it was that the other aspect of Pisanu's speech focussing upon 'insurrectionary anarchists' and the traditional autonomist residuum (such as social centers Askatasuna in Turin and Inmensa in Genoa). The last months has seen a veritable moral panic at the discovery of small explosive devices mailed to Spanish targets or left in bins near the public prosecutors office in Genoa. these acts were initially attributed to the 'insurrectionary milieu', or by more subtle sources 'anarchoid elements' i.e. individuals or groups practicing 'attentat' but not endorsing a traditional anarchist political philosophy. Some newspapers claim that this series of attacks has at its base the visit of young basque militants from Senedeak (a prisoner support group working with imprisoned Basque left-seperatists) to..... Turin. Investigations in the aftermath of the bin-bomb by the prosecutor's office led to a raid on an activist from Inmensa. At this point it should be clear what is going on. To the spin-doctor's stew was then added stock elements i.e. uncorroborated ramblings about the moves of the Red Brigades (usually related to leaflets found in telephone booths!) and the potential convergence with 'Islamic terror.' The question must still be asked, why? My view is that is a direct response to the massive problems already generated or still to emerge from the investigation into police violence during Genoa. Whilst initial coverage of the G-8 clumsily grasped for explanations based on 'infiltrators' from the police, fascist groups etc., that simple conspiracy has now faded. What is left is a story that leaves the top ranks of the Italian police with their credibility in tatters. The Anti-terrorism force looks particularly bad in all this, its one and two being on the rack for the withdrawal of the armed escort from Marco Biagi in 2002 (a killing claimed by the red brigades), and the retrospective planting of two molotov cocktails in the Diaz School respectively. To counter the very real crisis of the police requires ever more ludicrous theories of armed groups and hysterical invocations of real and present danger. But the record speaks for itself: in five years only two killings can be imputed to groups of any 'leftist' character - D'Antona in 1998 and Biagi in 2002, both claimed by the Red Brigades and bearing claims of responsibility that make it obvious that if indeed these people do not represent an element of the state involved in old tricks, then they are fossils from the 1970s caught in a time-warp. Alas in Italy the exitence of such useful idiots is also a credible proposition, such is the high level of social inertia. Paralysis The particular characteristics of the tendencies targeted make them susceptible to these transparent state manipulations. Whilst the Disobeddienti weigh every incident in terms of hegemony and public opinion, often in a detestably opportunistic manner, the anarchists and autonomi seem locked in a tryst with their own marginalisation. The anarchists, under the banner of a total refusal of politics and and identification only with social subversion, have effectively abandoned the field of the mass communication of ideas and everyday social struggles altogether, leaving themselves prey to the most caricatured and falsified of depictions at the ends of a state and media machine bottomless in its cynicism. The autonomi respond reactively to what they perceive as the spineless institutionalisation of the former Tute Bianche and nurture the aesthetics of the traditional confrontationalism synched to a ritual chant of no compromise. In a context of a mass movement against the Berlusconi government, and a center left in an advanced state of disintegration, this posture leads them to abandon the terrain of social revolt which is then harvested up by their arch-enemies, Casarini and his henchmen, and fed into the usual processing machinery of boring leftist representational politics, thank you very much...... You've Got Form The difficulties anarchists find themselves in when the political system comes looking for them were reflected in the inability to respond effectively the raids of September 2001 (where over a hundred houses were raided in a supposed investigation of a group called FIES, fighting against special detention units in Spanish jails) and the previous framing of Silvano Pelissero, Maria Soledad Rosa and Eduardo Massari, and the state produced suicide of the last two named, in 1998. The three had been arrested in Turin accused of being part of a terrorist group staging attacks against the construction of a new high speed train system. Maria Soledad Rosa was not even in the country at the time of the alleged acts, but at home in Argentina. Notes 1. Raids against 60 anarchists had previously occurred in November 1995 2, The Marini prosecution had no interest in the historical organ of mainstream (!) Italian Anarchism, the FAI, or their sibling the FdCA, limiting itself to the persecution of bad anarchists mostly referring to those who advocate social subversion and have been linked to journals such as Anarchismo and Cane Nero. These journals no longer exist [little surprise seeing as so many of their adherents are in the clink] and as a social milieu it has little visibility.

Now reading: The Fire Engine that Disappeared by Sjowall and Wahloo. All organisational work on the WSIS will now be taking place over a mailing list and wiki page. Thie idea is to experiment with a campaign development method that will produce more accountable decision making and also the ability for neop[hytes to join contemplation at a later point with a fairly decent root tree knowledge of where the decsive points in the proces shave occurred and why.

Our labours on behalf of comrade Riesel now have a new home. Heartybreakfast as in the convict had a hearty breakfast before facing the gallows. Donald chose it and this surely reflects the adverse psychological effect ofg continued residency in the United States. Soon, N'Drea will be posted at the same location and thereafter we intend to expand the scope of the site (which is also my experiment in movable type) to include other writers and themes.

Last week a friend happened to mention to me that she was to attend a lecture by Giorgio Agamben, the Italian philosopher and critic. Despite a fundamental ignorance of his work, the name was familiar from conversations with friends who edit a philosophical journal in Paris. So, off to the Casa Italiana I hopped. The subject of the lecture was 'civil war' or 'statis' in the Greek from which the concept is derived. He described how civil war in the pelepneese was followed by amnesty, which shares a common root with amnesia but is quite distinct. For our forebears the amnesty was an instrument to overcome the acrimony generated by civil war. In 403 bc the victorious democrats undertook 'me mnesikakein', which means literally not to recall the wrongs committed nor nurture bad memories. The essence of the concept is clear: in order that the population may leave the rupture of internecine strife behind, there must be no instrumental use of memory to cultivate hate. Civil war was understood not to be the unthinkable and instead had mechanisms to facilitate its surmounting. 30.10.2001 Charles Foliard was shot dead yesterday in Strabane, Co. Tyrone. I know the town, it's desperately poor and has one of the highes unemployment rates in the six counties which constitute 'Northern Ireland'. He had been released from jail some years previously, having served time for attempted murdewr of a catholic colleague in 1991. When he was twenty years of age. Upon release, he apparently severed his links with the UFF. Whilst he may have been a sectarian at twenty, the fact that he was with his 16 year old catholic girlfriend before her house when shot is sufficient to demonstrate that this was a past he had left behind. Ballistic tests showed that the gun used in his murder was lost by the RUC a year previously. A republican faction was presumed responsible for his death. In cold military terms, individuals posting to Irish political sites lauded his execution as a legitimate miltiary act. I was upset. Many people in Ireland have friends who are former prisoners. The change in the political climate means that many of these people feel very differently now to when they committed the acts for which they were jailed. This is not to say that there is a general disavowal of violence or a distancing from acts performed in the context of the conflict. The prescriptions for confronting the unacceptable social system have changed for many of those with the experience and literal education of the collective experience of protracted incarceration. The dynamic of the sectarian conflict has stalled in much of the region. In such circumstances, do they not all merit a second chance? Particularly those who have pointedly distanced themselves from sectarianism? Or are they to carry the stigma of 'orange fascist' or 'fenian murderer' forever? Amnesty need not be about forgetting, but it might mean the decommissioning of the poison - though not the lessons- of memory. I wish the voice of Agamben could be heard in Strabane. Rather than the voice of the surrender, it rings for transformation, overcoming, a step on the path to where there's space for all at the rendez-vous of victory, which, as Aimee Cesaire tells us is the only place worth going for all of us who have no monopoly on beauty, violence and intelligence.

Now listening: Community Music: Asian Dub Foudation

Yes, this journal is really losing its way, symptom of a topsy turvy existence going into terminal tilt. Soon, hydrarchist will be but a bad memory, a virtual tombstone for a series of desires that never were to be. Last night saw another meetinfg of the hub, our gala extravaganza on the matter of wireless networks. Alas due to connectivity problems and the usual linguisrtic impediments it was less than satisfying. The appauling truth however is that at least it constitues a real effort to confront some of the problems that enmesh the putative social movements in this phase.