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Greg Sholette, "Dark Matter, Activist Art and the Counter-Public Sphere"pirate greg writes:
"Dark Matter, Activist Art and the Counter-Public Sphere: MAVN Conference, and the Battles Lost" "The emphasis on the passive element in experience certainly does not claim to be a theory of knowledge? But it is certainly the preliminary condition of any theory of knowledge which is not content with verbalistic and illusory solutions." Who built Thebes of the seven gates ?I begin with a riddle: What is invisible but has such great mass and its effects are everywhere visible? Consider Brecht's frequently cited poem about a worker who questions the dominant portrayal of history as a string of accomplishments by a few remarkable men. The poet's fictive narrator reveals what Brecht knew from experience: any large-scale project, be it artistic, political or military, is decidedly collaborative in nature.12 At the same time collective experience as well as the intimation of worker autonomy it implies poses a potential threat to capitalist management. Collectivism's imprint therefore on commodities and services, along with its trace of political and symbolic power, are attributes that must be managed through the imposition of clearly discerned, administrative hierarchies during production and through the pseudo-collective imprint of a corporate identity or brand following production. Any additional residue of collectivism is shuttled towards the seemingly autonomous realm of the bourgeois public sphere where it is re-configured within concepts such as community and nation or most notably today, patriotism.13 Yet it is precisely the contour of labour's UN-represented collective experience that Breech's literate worker begins to trace for himself. At the same time the poem is itself a didactic lesson in so far as Brecht uses it to forge a necessary link between a materialist analysis of ideology and that which is not visible.14 He as much as insists that before any dialectical or materialist analysis of ideology is initiated one must first perform a radical reversal of normative, authorial categories. Carrying this methodological inversion over to the realm of the arts, it would seem that any practice claiming to be radical must also take seriously the materiality and structural complexity of unseen creative labor including that of collective and informal practices largely relegated to the shadows of art history. Otherwise, as Andrew Hemingway insists, Marxist art history will become indistinguishable from a mere social history of art that, "takes the bourgeois category of art too much for granted, and turns itself into an appendage of that it supposedly seeks to critique."15 What if we were to re-cast the protagonist of Brecht's poem as a class-conscious, radical art historian? What sort of questions might she ask of the art historical cannon and its succession of male geniuses? Was the painting of the Demoiselles d'Avignon truly the result of one man's virile talents? Or did Picasso, Mattise and even Bertolt Brett not draw ideas and material support from an invisible entourage of mistresses, amateur actors and non-western artists? What percentage of their historic importance owes itself to the skills as well as the creativity of artisans who prepared pigments, brushes, engravings or props, sets and stage lighting? Did these other men and women not have talent and ambition of their own? So many artworks: who paid the bills? Nonetheless, we must go even further than this initial line of questioning because it is not sufficient for a radical scholarship to simply provide conventional art history with a more complete "background" to creative labor and then leave it at that. Instead, a class-conscious and materialist approach to art scholarship and theory must by necessity seek to radically revise the very notion of artistic value as it is defined by bourgeois ideology. Besides finding new ways to account for collective artistic authorship it must also theorize the many occasions in which no object is produced or where the artistic practice is a form of creative engagement focused on the process of organization itself. And it needs to theorize cultural expenditure and artistic gift giving as well as shadowy forms of production and distribution rather than accept the language of administration as evinced in the term cultural capital.16 This amounts to a radical re-zoning of a great deal of art world real estate and results in a new map of artistic topology that includes many previously overlooked forms of creativity. By necessity this re-mapping also requires placing brackets around the problem of taste which means that property values can be expected to fall hard and fast as new modes of appreciation emerge. Nevertheless, it is the centralized art world itself, with its continuos striving to incorporate prudent examples of the very things that most oppose it, that ironically first opens a door into a far more radical redistribution of creative value. The first step in this opening requires that we look past the realm of high culture however and into the dark matter beyond. Cosmologists describe dark matter, (and more recently dark energy) as invisible mass predicted by the Big Band theory, yet so far only perceived indirectly by observing the motions of visible, astronomical objects such as stars and galaxies. Despite its invisibility and unknown constitution, most of the universe, perhaps as much as ninety six percent of it consists of dark matter a phenomenon sometimes called the "missing mass problem".17 Like its astronomical cousin, creative dark matter also makes up the bulk of the artistic activity produced in our post-industrial society. However, this type of Dark matter is invisible primarily to those who lay claim to the management and interpretation of culture? the critics, art historians, collectors, dealers, museums, curators and arts administrators. It includes informal practices such as home-crafts, makeshift memorials, amateur photography (and pornography), Sunday-painters, self-published newsletters and fan-zines, Internet art galleries -- all work made and circulated in the shadows of the formal, art world. Yet, just as the physical universe is dependent on its dark matter and energy, so too is the art world dependent on its shadow creativity. It needs it in much the same way certain developing countries depend on their shadow or informal economies.18 Contemplate the destabilizing impact on professional artists were hobbyists and amateurs to stop purchasing art supplies. Consider also the structural "darkness" within which most professionally trained artists actually exist. In the United States alone, several million MFA graduates have been produced since the initiation of the MFA degree in 1944.19 Assuming even a graduation rate of only sixty percent the total number of academically trained professional artists holding Master of Fine Arts degrees at the time of this writing must hover around twenty four thousand individuals. If trained artists from non-degree programs and those who stopped their education at the BFA level are added to the pool this number spikes considerably upwards. Yet, given the proportionally few individuals who achieve visibility within the formalized institutions of the art world there really are no significant structural differences between an earnest amateur and a professional artist made invisible by her "failure" within the art market. Except that perhaps against all real odds she still hopes to be discovered. Nonetheless, these shadow-practitioners are necessary for the institutional, elite art world. For one thing they are the educators of the next generation of artists. They also work as arts administrators and art fabricators: two increasingly valuable resources given the complexity of producing and managing contemporary, global art. By purchasing journals and books, visiting museums and belonging to professional organizations these "invisibles" are an essential component of the elite art world whose pyramidal structure looms over them with its upper levels eternally out of reach.20 Finally, without an army of allegedly lesser talents to serve as a contrast, the few highly successful artists would be impossible to privilege. A class conscious and materialist analysis begins by turning this equation on its head and asks: what would become of the economic and ideological foundations of the bourgeois art world if this larger mass of excluded practices were to be given equal consideration as art? Nor should this question be dismissed as the domain of sociologists and anthropologists. Radical scholars and artists must take that inversion as a starting point and move to the next stage of analysis: the linking of dark matter to those artists who self-consciously work outside and/or against the parameters of the mainstream art world for reasons of political and socially critique. These informal, politicized micro-institutions are proliferating today.21 They create work that infiltrates high schools, flea markets, public squares, corporate Web Sites, city streets, housing projects, and local political machines in ways that do not set out to recover a specific meaning or use-value for art world discourse or private interests. This is due to the fact that many of these activities operate through economies based on pleasure, generosity and the free dispersal of goods and services, rather than the construction of a false scarcity required by the value structure of art world institutions. What can be said of dark matter in general is that either by choice or circumstance it displays a degree of autonomy from the critical and economic structures of the art world and moves instead within, or in-between, the meshes of the consciousness industry.22 But this independence is not risk free. Increasingly inexpensive technologies of communication, replication, display and transmission that allow informal and activist artists to network with each other have also made the denizens of this shadowy world ever more conspicuous to the very institutions that once sought to exclude them. In short, dark matter is no longer as dark as it once was. Yet, neither the art world nor global capital can do little more than immobilize specific instances of this shadow activity by converting it into a fixed consumable or lifestyle branding. However, this cultural taxidermy also comes at a cost to the elite, contemporary art world because it forces into view its own arbitrary value structure. In terms of combat therefore, the double-edged hazards brought on by increasing and decreasing visibility are vital to comprehend. III The Amateurization of Contemporary Art "Not only does the amateur status of hobby art dispel the need for costly art lessons, but it subverts the intimidation process that takes place when the male domain of "high" art is approached. As it stands, women -- and especially women -- can make hobby art in a relaxed manner, isolated from the "real" world of commerce and the pressures of professional aestheticism."23Evidence that dark matter has affected the world of high art is easy to locate. I will focus on just three examples here however starting with the 2002 Whitney Biennial. As its curator Larry Rinder explained in the exhibition catalog, that the goal of this Biennial was to feature those "creative practices" operating "without concern for the art market or art world accolades." Yet Rinder's claims were sardonically commented upon by New York Times art reporter Roberta Smith who suggested that if this exhibition "signal s a new openness, [then] the outskirts look very much like the center of town."24 Among the alleged art world outsiders included in the high profile, art roundup was Forcefield: a Rhode Island based art group whose installation of hyper-colorful, hand knit costumes and wigs came with its own reverberating, industrial soundtrack. Yet this ubiquitous, outsider aesthetic Smith alludes to is perhaps more aptly labeled "slack art," by historian Brandon Taylor.25 Self-consciously amateurish and informal and at the same time the product of the MFA degree, this slacker aesthetic was perfectly expressed in the slackly entitled exhibition "K48-3: Teenage Rebel -- The Bedroom Show" organized by Scott Hug for a commercial gallery in the Chelsea district of Manhattan. It boasted work by fifty artists, fashion designers, musicians and graphic designers all haphazardly displayed on and around an automobile-shaped bed parked on a lime-green shag rug. Snapshots of gun-toting teens, hand-painted sneakers, scrappy pages of doodles, black-light posters, Ken dolls and distressed T-shirts were crammed into every corner of this fictional domestic space. And no less than three of the art writers for the city?s major weekly publications deemed "Rebel Teen Bedroom?" as essential viewing during the first few weeks of 2003.26 My final example of institutionally secure high art influenced by the informality of what I call dark matter is the work of Sarah Lucas; a young, British artist featured in the controversial Sensation Show several years ago. In April of 2002 the Tate Modern presented a roundup of Lucas's art. It consisted of objects and installations made from shabby materials such as stockings and soiled mattresses. The Tate exhibition also included a ripe melon, a toilet bowl cast in yellow resin and a cluster of snap shots arranged with that careful indifference to formal, aesthetic schema now typical of slack, or amateurized high art.27 A However it was Lucas's piece entitle d Nobby, that most clearly testified to the sway of dark matter over younger artists while simultaneously providing an opening onto a potentially far more radical appreciation of generalized creativity. Nobby is a meter high, plastic "gnome," pushing a wheelbarrow. In all but one respect it is identical to the figures of dwarfs and fauna that suburban homeowners place on their lawns. The one difference is that both Nobby and his wheelbarrow are entirely covered in cigarettes.28 Because contemporary artistic products are not required to be the work of the artist who presents them, we must consider the possibility that Lucas purchased this butt-covered dwarf at a flea market or perhaps on an Internet auction site such as ebay. In fact, Nobby may just as easily be the work of an anonymous and obsessive smoker or it might be the tedious output of the artist's assistant, or it may be her own handiwork. The answer is irrelevant. However, while this apathy regarding authorship sweeps away several previously valued artistic qualities, including personal expression and the uniqueness of a particular object, it also eliminates from the process of artistic valorization any measurement of the artist's technical capabilities. This raises an obvious question regarding dark matter and in particular the practice of amateur artists and "Sunday" painters. Just what is it that prevents this sort of creative activity from directly entering the value structure of the elite art world? Or, to ask this question in reverse, how is it that the products of art remain "high" or "elite," when cigarette covered lawn gnomes are scrupulously placed on display by leading, metropolitan art museums? The same question might be posed of artistic authorship. However, in order to answer these questions we first need a working model of the way artistic value is normally produced within the contemporary art world that can also explain why not just anybody's tobacco encrusted dwarf can enter its elite domain. One way to explain why it is that a few artistic producers are rewarded, often quite handsomely, by the art world, while others lose absolutely, is to compare the way value is produced in that arena with value production in competitive sports. The economic anthropologist Stuart Plattner does this by employing a Tournament Model in which a winning athlete may in fact be a mere fraction of a second faster than that of her rivals, yet she is designated the sole winner regardless of the outstanding athletic ability of her competition. According to Plattner, "this model is relevant to the art market because it describes a situation of workers receiving payments that don't seem related to their input of effort."29 In a close, art world competition however, it is not physical prowess that differentiates the winners from losers, but the quality of cultural capital available to the judges. This includes knowing which artist is sought after by a prestigious museum or private collector or what influential critic or curator will soon feature her work in a review or exhibition.30 Therefore, what stabilizes the borders of the elite art market is the routine production of minor differences. These differences may have to do with the context surrounding a particular artwork or the authorship of a given piece, but what is important, and Nobby offers concrete evidence of this fact, is that art world valuation has little to do with the formal characteristics of the artwork in itself. Instead, it has everything to do with the way consumption capital -- accumulated knowledge about art -- is produced, circulated and accumulated. This also helps to explain how seemingly identical art products generate artistic value in radically unequal ways.31 Our re-mapping and ultimate deconstruction of artistic value hinges on this insight. Look again at the art world and the dark matter it occludes. The lines separating dark and "light" creativity appear almost arbitrary even from the standpoint of qualities such as talent, vision and other, similar, mystifying attributes typically assigned to "high art." If indeed the struggle over representational power is reduced to skirmishes and fleeting advancements and retreats, then the reality of this new combat requires a turning away from the realm of the exclusively visual and towards creative practices focused on organizational structures, communicative networks and economies of giving and dissemination. It is an activity that necessarily points to the articulation of what theorists Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge call the proletarian or counter-public sphere. 32 IV The Counter-Public Sphere "Federal elections, Olympic ceremonies, the actions of a commando unit, a theater premiere -- all are considered public events. Other events of overwhelming public significance, such as childbearing, factory work, and watching television within one's own four walls, are considered private. The real experiences of human beings, produced in everyday life and work, cut across such divisions?the weakness characteristic of virtually all forms of the bourgeois public sphere derives from this contradiction: namely, that [it]... excludes substantial life interests and nevertheless claims to represent society as a whole."33It is beyond the scope of this paper to present the full complexity of Negt and Kluge's theories regarding the inherently conflicted constitution of contemporary public spheres, except to say that their polemical displacement of Jurgen Habermas's concept pivots on the actual, life experience of workers and others normally excluded from that idealized realm of citizenship and public opinion. It also seeks to account for the impact that relatively new modes of communication and deception, famously termed the Culture Industry by Adorno and Horkheimer, are having on both worker acquiescence and resistance to capitalist totality. What I will do however, is introduce two key aspects of their work that are especially relevant to my arguments about dark matter including: 1.) The subversive potential of working class fantasy as a counter-productive activity that is hidden within the capitalist labor process, and 2.) The author's insistence that it is politically and theoretically necessary to weave together the fragmented history of resistance to capital into a larger whole or a counter-public sphere. Much like dark matter that is itself often composed of fantastic and libidinous forms of expression, working class fantasy can never be fully absorbed by the antagonistic structures of capitalism. Negt and Kluge assert, "Throughout history, living labor has, along with the surplus value extracted from it, carried on its own production?within fantasy."34 The authors further define fantasy as a multilayered defense mechanism providing, "necessary compensation for the experience of alienated labor process."35 This does not mean that fantasy, any more than dark matter, represents an inherently progressive force. Instead, "In its unsublated form, as a mere libidinal counterweight to unbearable, alienated relations, fantasy is itself merely an expression of this alienation. Its contents are therefore inverted consciousness. Yet by virtue of its mode of production, fantasy constitutes an unconscious practical critique of alienation."36 Working class fantasy therefore appears to offer a twofold, critical function. At its most basic level it is a counter-productive surplus that constitutes a de-facto mode of resistance to alienation. This is not merely a metaphysical limit, but a material force generated by the "residue of unfulfilled wishes, ideas, of the brain?s own laws of movement?"37 However, at the same time, the content of fantasy does occasionally represent specific instances of anti-capitalist or at least anti-authoritarian sentiment. Negt and Kluge approach this repressed content as " 'promises of meaning and totality' -- promises that reproduce, in a highly sensitive manner, actual wishes, some of which remain uncensored be the ruling interest?"38 Examples of work place fantasies that were turned into action include the convenience store clerk who adjusted his pricing gun to create spontaneous discounts for customers; intro the model maker who added fantastic machinery to elaborately fabricated coal and nuclear power plant models; the assembly line date pitter who inserted her own messages into the fruit proclaiming such things as, "Hi, I'm your pitter" or simply "stuff it" and "Aaagghhh!!!"; the Heritage Foundation mailroom attendant who shredded fundraising letters meant to raise funds for her employer's conservative agenda; the low paid, white collar stock broker who used his access to a Wall Street phone system producing actual fluctuations in market shares; and the professional muralist who rendered Nazi storm troopers and a Francis Bacon painting in the background of a painting made for a Walt Disney hotel and worked images of severed heads into another mural for a restaurant in Las Vegas.39 However, in so far as these fragmented acts and incomplete desires for some greater "meaning and totality" remain unarticulated as such, they also remain little more than isolated and ultimately impotent moments of a distorted wish fulfillment. To briefly summarize then, dark matter and working class fantasy occasionally resist bourgeois ideology because they interrupt its normative structures of production and appropriation. However, this shadow realm also resists at the level of content even if its opposition appears in an undeveloped, inverted and sometimes infantile form. What must take place before this fragmented experience can be transformed into something more political? According to Negt and Kluge the, "political left must first of all reorganize fantasies in order to make them capable of self-organization."40 This brings me to the second aspect of Negt and Kluge's work that directly concerns my argument: the importance of connecting these "unblocked" moments of working class fantasy with the history, or histories of actual resistance to capital, patriarchy, racism and nationalism. Rather than a smooth, linear narrative however, this process is one of assembling a montage of, "Historical fissures -- crises, war, capitulation, revolution, counterrevolution." This is because the proletarian public sphere, "has no existences as a ruling public sphere, it has to be reconstructed from such rifts, marginal cases, isolated initiatives."41 Not unlike the historical re-mapping suggested in Breech's poem this reconstruction is built upon acts of interruption, stoppage and doubt. At the same time this process also seeks to block capital from appropriating these other histories and desires for its own interests. This is an essential point for Negt and Kluge who believe that with the emergence of the consciousness industry capital gains the means to reach ever deeper into the shadows of working class fantasy and with greater sophistication. The same danger of appropriation holds true for dark matter. At the moment these shadows becomes capable of collectively focused activity, as the margins link up and become visible to themselves, in and for themselves, they simultaneously become discernible to the voracious gaze of capital with its siren call of "life style" and the joy of consuming.42 Significantly, activist artists have devised strategies that recognize this dilemma borrowing dark matter forms such as zines and a do-it-yourself approach to creativity. The final section begins with a description of zine aesthetics before sketching the varied activities of the group Las Agencias. V Las Agencias "We need to make ourselves visible without using the mainstream media?" Riot Grrrl Press.43Least available for appropriation by the culture industry is not the slack look of dark matter, but its semi-autonomous and do-it-yourself mode of production and exchange. Zines for example are frequently belligerent, self-published newsletters that as cultural historian Stephen Duncombe argues do not offer, "just a message to be received, but a model of participatory cultural production and organization to be acted upon. The message you get from zines is that you should not just be getting messages, you should be producing them as well. This is not to say that the content of zines -- whether anti-capitalist polemics or individual expression -- is not important. But what is unique, and uniquely valuable, about the politics of zines and underground culture is their emphasis on the practice of doing it yourself. "44 Duncombe draws an explicit connection between this reflexivity of the zinester and Walter Benjamin's concept of the author as a producer. "Applying Benjamin's analysis to the case of zines, it is exactly their position within the conditions of production of culture that constitutes an essential component of their politics. In an increasingly professionalized culture world, zine producers are decidedly amateur. In producing cheap, multiple-copy objects, they operate against the fetishistic archiving and exhibiting of the high art world and the for-profit spirit of the commercial world. And by their practice of eroding the lines between producer and consumer they challenge the dichotomy between active creator and passive spectator that characterizes our culture and society."45 Indeed, with satiric titles such as Temp Slave; Dishwasher; Welcome to the World of Insurance; and simply Work, zines produced by service workers offer an instance of what Negt and Kluge term the "contradictory nature of the public horizon," at least in so far as they represent a sporadic moment of resistance, rather than a means of sustained opposition.46 The zine aesthetic and its tactics of recycling and satire bear a certain resemblance to far more self consciously politicized art-related collectives including: Temporary Services, Las Agencias, WochenKlausur, Collectivo Cambalache, The Center for Land Use Interpretation, The Stockyard Institute, Ne Pas Plier, Take Back the Streets, Mejor Vida, ®RTMark, the Critical Art Ensemble, Ultra Red, The Surveillance Camera Players, The Center for Tactical Magic, Radical Software Group and the Institute for Applied Autonomy. All work within some aspect of public space, and many ascribe their approach as that of tactical media, an activist deployment of new media technology. Yet, the groups mentioned here are difficult to categorize within most definitions of art because their engagement extends well into the public sphere and involves issues of fair housing; the treatment of unemployed people, guest labourers and prisoners as well as global politics; biotechnology and even access to public space itself.47 Groups such as Temporary Services, Las Agencias, Wolkenclausure, Take Back the Street, Ne Pas Plier s, The Surveillance Camera Players, The Stockyard Institute and Mejor Vida design participatory projects in which objects and services are made to be given away or used up in public settings or street actions. Other groups, including most notably ®RTmark, use technology to encourage, "the intelligent sabotage of mass-produced items...."48 ®RTmark exists entirely on-line and its web site invites workers, students and other disenfranchised individuals to collaborate with them by purchasing "shares" of ®RTMark stock. Because the group is a legally registered corporation it has successfully used limited liability rules to shield its members from personal lawsuits. The list of those who have sought to censor the group because of its "intelligent sabotage" includes major record companies, toy manufacturers and even the World Trade Organization.49 And unlike the lone, disaffected rebel worker ®RTmark's collective approach raises sabotage to the level of ideological critique, much in the manner proposed by Negt and Kluge. These same typically humorous re-appropriations and use of do-it-yourself, zine aesthetics is also evident in the work of Las Agencias, an informally structured collective of artists and activists that is part of a larger coalition of gouprs called La Fiambrera, or "workers lunchbox."50 Testifying to the tactical value of new technology is the fact that Las Agencias is simultaneously based in Madrid, Barcelona and Boston. Like ®RTmark, Las Agencias appropriates both the technology and appearance of the consciousness industry, but it also works directly in the streets and barrios to unsettle normative ideological structures and reveal the contradictions and false tranquility of the bourgeois public sphere. Carefully planned group actions have supported local squatters and migratory "guest" workers as well as designed campaigned against gentrification and militarism. But perhaps the work most crucial to my argument is Las Agencias creative subversion of the riot police during street demonstrations and the groups tactical assault upon lifestyle marketing by global corporations. Take for example the group's Las Agencias line of apparel designed for use in demonstrations and street actions. These colorful, "ready to revolt" designs contain hidden pockets that allow the wearer to conceal materials for buffering the blows of police batons or to conceal cameras for documenting abuse by the constabulary.51 Expanding upon the group's intervention into the couture industry is a more recent project entitled Yomango: a word that is slang for shoplifting. Mockingly playing off of the retailing strategy of the Mango clothing label that markets itself to young, European professionals, Las Agencias has developed its own "lifestyle" campaign that integrates a range of "anti-consumer" products and services with everyday acts of consumer sabotage. Specially adapted clothing and shopping bags are available on the Las Agencias label designed for disappearing products out of global retail outlets. Las Agencias also provides workshops on how to defeat security systems through orchestrated teamwork framed as a form of choreographed dancing. For Las Agencias, shoplifting is civil disobedience and amounts to reflexive kleptomania directed against the homogenizing and instrumentalization effect of global capital.52 For a time, all of Las Agencias tactics including counter-couture, anti-war graphics, strategy lessons, street actions and communication systems came together in Show Bus: a brightly painted, motor coach equipped with display and networking technologies and topped off by a rooftop platform for public speaking and live performances. With its windows refitted with rear-view screens for projecting live Internet feed from street actions, the Show Bus was a combination mobile organizing space and self-contained, agitation apparatus. It also made for a conspicuous target to reactionary forces. Show Bus was demolished and set alight one night forcing the group to reconsider its approach. Nevertheless, Show Bus was a concrete manifestation of counter-public space in so far it combined numerous, fragmented acts of resistance. It is important to add a final note about the cunning of Las Agencias in relationship to the art world. By 2002 the group had gained enough notoriety for a liberal minded curator to solicit their participation in the Torino Art Biennial. The members met and agreed to bring their Yomango campaign into the "white box" of the institutional art world. But they elected to do so in the form of an "installation" that replicated an actual retail outlet. Within this simulated store the audience would be invited to practice shoplifting and attend workshops on civil disobedience and activism. Furthermore, all of the shopliftable practice products were to be procured from nearby retail outlets prior to the exhibition opening. Upon hearing Las Agencias plans in advance the organizers of the Biennial evicted the group thus preventing them from "squatting" in their art exhibition. On other occasions however, the group has managed to "leverage" art world funds provided by a museum and used the money it to carry out political actions in public. Nevertheless, this catty interplay between art activists and art institutions underscores the opportunities as well as potential risks of moving dark matter into greater visibility within the public sphere. To the extent that Las Agencias focuses on the process and organization of creative work itself, rather than the production of objects, its "art" is difficult for the art world to appropriate. With group activity divided between theorizing, creating posters, designing clothes, organizing and carrying out actions and giving workshops and networking with other activists and artists, it is simply not possible for the formal institutions of the art to represent the full extent of Las Agencias "work." No art objects exist that could summarize group identity and unlike individuals artists such as Joseph Beuys, the group has so far avoided making fossils and souvenirs of their work for museums and collectors. And because Las Agencias audience participates in the making of the work and its meaning, it is difficult to imagine what aspect of the group's work would appeal to conventional art collectors. Besides, asserting collective authorship is a trait abhorred by the culture industry since it undermines artistic values as defined by collectors who expect art works to be the product of one individual with one artistic vision. Finally, and most important to my argument, groups such as Las Agencias and ®RTMark have adopted forms of creative expenditure and gift giving typically found within the informal arts but adverse to the formal art industry economy. It is my contention that this act of expenditure without the expectation of a specific return is aimed at building egalitarian social relations rather than optimizing one's position within a market. And it is this adaptation, rather than any formal resemblance to dark matter, that draw these oppositional practices into its gravitational field and away from the hegemony of the elite art world.53 VI Conclusions Despite the ideologies of resignation, despite the dense realities of governmental structures in our "control societies," nothing prevents the sophisticated forms of critical knowledge, elaborated in the peculiar temporality of the university, from connecting directly with the new and also complex, highly sophisticated forms of dissent appearing on the streets. This type of crossover is exactly what we have seen in the wide range of movements opposing the agenda of neoliberal globalization.54 To paraphrase the cosmologists: there is perhaps no current problem of greater importance to cultural radicals than that of "dark matter. "Collectives such as Las Agencias, that operate within the contradictions of the bourgeois public sphere, openly and playfully expose its imaginary fault-lines dividing private from public, individual from collective, and the light from the dark matter. At the same time it would be disingenuous of me to suggest that the art collectives and dark activities touched upon in this paper provide a totally satisfactory solution to the radical possibilities of visual art now. Instead, these groups and practices are characterized by their overdetermined and discontinuous nature, by repetitions and instability. Their politics privilege spontaneity, some even favor anarchic forms of direct action over any type of organizational model. Duncombe neatly summarizes this problem in relation to zine production stating that, Tales of sabotage and theft are not just represented in zines, but often by them. Stealing the materials and "borrowing" the technology necessary to produce zines is considered part and parcel of making zines' roommates copy zines on midnight shifts at Kinkos and others use postage meters on their job s. "[Yet ] with no memories of pre-industrial labor patterns to sustain them, and little in the way of alternative models of labor organization to guide them, these individuals have little hope of taking control of the production process in their workplace, never mind society at large."55 Where then are the historians of darkness? What tools will they require to move beyond a mere description of these shadows and dark practices and towards the construction of a counter-public sphere? In this short text I have, as always, attempted too much. Clearly, more research is needed on how alternative or counter economic forms link up with collective patterns of engaged art making as well as how one measures the relative autonomy of critical art practices in relation to the culture industry. One thing is clear however, the construction of a counter-public sphere will necessitate that we move away from the longstanding preoccupation with representation and towards an articulation of the invisible.56 To be seen, seeable, embodied, to block something from another's view, to take as well as give away the very means of seeing, these are the new terms of battle. With it comes a new horizon filled with possibilities as well as risks.
55. Duncombe, op cit., p. 81. 56. The act of covering over the copy of Picasso's Guernica during Secretary of State Colin Powell's televised call for war against the nation of Iraq at the United Nations on February 5th, 2003 suggests that the forces of Empire fully comprehend the nature of this next, theater of cultural battle. The author wishes to extend his appreciation to Paul Jaskot, Alan Moore, Janet Koeing, Brian Holmes, Brett Bloom, Philip Glahn and O.K Werkmeister for their insights and comments on early drafts of this paper. Gregory G. Sholette is an artist, writer, activist and founding member of the artists' groups REPOhistory and Political Art Documentation and Distribution (PAD/D), well as the an Assistant Professor at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago. This article © Gregory G. Sholette, March 4, 2003. |
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