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Neala Schleuning, "Anarchist Modernism"Makhno writes: "Anarchist Modernism" Reviewing Allen Antliff, Anarchist Modernism: Allen Antliff has written a rich and engaging book exploring early twentieth The New Iconoclasm - Theories of Modernism and Anarchism Antliff highlights Robert Henri, one of the Ashcan School of American In addition to Henri, Antliff notes two other individuals who played a major Emma Goldman met Hippolyte Havel in London in 1899; and in 1900 he joined Although Antliff's study centers on the individualist anarchist aspect of In Antliff's analysis, however, he presents even universalist approaches in The Culture of Artists Similarly, Antliff notes that the works of artist Wyndham Lewis reflected the revolutionary qualities of technique: "Attentiveness to the medium, whose properties the artist 'intensified', also carried an anarchist valence....In keeping with Stirner's stress on individualist materialism over generalizing metaphysics, Lewis celebrated two irreducible absolutes: the unique creativeness of the artist mirrored in the unique properties of the artists' chosen medium. This stance generated a pronounced primitivism, not only of the artist, whose psyche was to be purged of all extraindividual dictates, but also of the medium, reduced as it was to the barest constituent components" (78). Style alone, Antliff seems to suggest, is an anarchistic approach. Antliff also discusses the artist Robert Minor at length because Minor frames the larger discussion of the relationship of art and politics. Minor creates something of a dilemma for Antliff's thesis - in part because Minor is closely allied stylistically with socialist realist theory. Minor doesn't quite fit into the individualist anarchist milieu, in part because he rejected art in favor of a direct commitment to political action. Antliff is, nevertheless, free to explore Minor because he does not limit modernism to any particular style - although he is clearly in support of stylistic experimentation. Of Minor he writes: "his allegorical cartoons fused realism with critique to create powerful narratives of injustice and oppression" (190), and, "Such factual allegory was a staple in anarchist graphic art, and Minor one of its most effective practitioners" (192). Immensely talented, Minor walked away from the practice of his art; and "he would dismiss the revolutionary relevance of art, announcing that henceforth he would dedicate himself to political work" (183). Minor was problematic for the radical community as well, and his actions were widely analyzed and criticized. The viability of socialist realism was implicitly threatened by Minor turning his back on his art. Max Eastman framed the Marxist argument against Minor as a critique of anarchism. His objective, of course was to undermine anarchism as a political theory, and he used a critique of modernist art as the means to that end. His critique hinged on portraying the anarchist artist as outside of the political milieu. Antliff concluded, "Minor the anarchist was also Minor the artist, and both were impractical, emotional literary....It is fair to say that Eastman's remarkable statement represents the first breach in the anarchist discourse linking artistic liberation with revolutionary politics. Here begins the unraveling of anarchist modernism" (204). It was not enough, however to merely criticize and dismiss Minor's personal behavior. Eastman took his analysis to its logical conclusion; not only was the anarchist modernist artist isolated from the politics of class-based revolution, but he/she was actually an apologist for the liberal-bourgeoisie (207). Emma Goldman responded to Eastman in an attempt to counter his harsh denunciation of the artist's role in revolutionary change. Rather than seeing the artist as outside the working class, she argued for expanding the revolutionary aesthetic impulse of freedom of expression to everyone. "'Anarchism is a natural philosophy of artists,'" she wrote. "'Why so exclusive, dear Max?...Surely you want the worker to become the creator rather than the creature of his conditions. Unless the worker grasps that society must be organized on the basis of the freest possible scope for expression, the future holds very little chance for either the artist or the worker'" (208). Soon thereafter, the Bolsheviks endorsed socialist realism, which was subsequently adopted as the dominant radical aesthetic in the United States. According to Antliff, "in this emergent discourse, the transference of art's revolutionary context from the liberated subjectivity of the artist to the collectivity of the proletariat shut down the diversity and invention of anarchist modernism in favor of a new Marxist monoculture - proletarian art. Art was adjudicated by class content. The artist became an accessory to politics. In sum, there was nothing revolutionary about artistic individualism at all...and Individualism in art was the epitome of bourgeois social and psychological decay" (209). In socialist realism, Antliff concluded, "revolution in art was guaged by the degree to which the artist recorded, rather than created" (210); and "by the early 1920s Bolshevism had vanquished anarchism, and with it the political relevance of artistic innovation" (215). Despite having prepared a careful and well-researched argument, there are some gaps, outright oversights, and obvious conflation of the relationship between anarchism and modernism in Antliff's conclusions. The first problem is that Antliff uses only one face of anarchism to make his case - individualist anarchism. This was a a time when "communist" anarchism (read "Marxist materialist-based) was the dominant theoretical force on the American anarchist scene. Although Emma Goldman celebrated the artistic impulse, the bulk of her activism was aimed at actively undermining the economic structure of capitalism and its various manifestations. She embraced art because it represented hopes and dreams and aspirations - the spirit of revolution and change. Second, there are problems with individualist anarchism itself. Here Antliff's study could have benefitted from a deeper, more incisive analysis of just exactly what motivated these artists. He could have asked, for example, how the artists themnselves answered the question of how and whether "unlimited self-expression" was a political act. Is challenging the status quo in the field of art enough? Is having an experimental attitude enough? Is being rebellious enough? Antliff's study also fails to capture the tensions and relationship between art, individual freedom, and collective direct action. Antliff could have asked of these artists how their art and their artistic visions connected to the people. The idea of revolt seems to be centered on the individual artist revolting against anything that holds back individual expression, not necessarily revolt against the political or economic status quo. Politics is, by definition looking beyond the self to the whole, beyond "my" rights and freedoms to rights and freedoms for all. Antliff does not tell us how the artist should "act" to change the social reality, to improve social well-being. In an essay on the role of the "intellectual proletarian", Emma Goldman called for - and indeed expected - artists (and other intellectuals) to make common cause with the people. It was not sufficient to focus on one's own self-expression, one's own needs. The role of art is to change minds, to serve as a guide to action. There are no easy answers for how to accomplish this, but Antliff could have explored the inherent tensions between the artist and society in greater depth. Perhaps Antliff has focused too much on the preciousness of these artists and of artists in general. Many radical critics, for example, have argued that modernism is not really "radical" at all, but merely a manifestation of late capitalist bourgeois decline. Even today, art and artists are portrayed as separate from the "real" world. They are either presented as seemingly "ahead of their times", on the "cutting edge", or in other cases as weird and disconnected. A true anarchist aesthetic must move beyond alienation to direct action in the real world. How can art move us to political action? And how do we create a lived sense of art? Advertising knows the answer to this question, but do we? Finally, Antliff's conclusion seems a bit overdrawn: the artist does not have to choose between personal freedom of expression and proletarian monoculture. The world of art is not this simplistic. Nor did the political relevance of artistic innovation disappear. And finally, Bolshevism did not "vanquish" American anarchism, and modernism did not disappear. |
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