doyle and ben writes "January 31, 2002

As revolutionary social anarchists living in North America, we wrote this letter to initiate conversation and debate among fellow anti-authoritarians, hopefully leading to new ways of thinking about how to organize and make decisions as a movement. For us, revolutionary means that we are in this to win. We think certain ways of thinking within some anarchist groups are preventing us from building a coherent and strategic revolutionary movement and thereby winning a social revolution.

Anonymous Comrade writes

"Urgent Call from Cheyenne Mountain"

By John Chuckman

YellowTimes.ORG Columnist (Canada)

On the U.S. President's desk in the Oval
Office, a phone's red light urgently flashes. It's the signal for
an incoming call. Only calls from deep inside the vast
command-center redoubt known as Cheyenne Mountain come
in on this line. Constructed during the Cold War, this
hollowed-out mountain contains a virtual Pentagon
satellite-city built to survive a hundred years behind
million-ton blast-proof doors.

The president gleefully picks up the receiver. He just loves
getting important calls.

"Howdee!"

"Mr. President, this is a secure line, so we may speak freely."

"Dick, you old son of a gun, how's it goin' out there, livin'
under the mountain an' all? T'aint getting' to ya none?"

"I'm just fine, Mr. President, don't concern yourself. You know,
I spent a lot of time as a congressman with folks who live in
abandoned missile silos and mine shafts.

hydrarchist writes " Amidst all the hype and shadow-boxing around the WEF meeting in New York this weekend, simple questions relating to the purpose and effectiveness of collective action have been ignored. Much recent activity takes place in a deracinated context which while tragetting the lofty and distant centers of power, remains disconnected from local space and the everyday life. For this reason, I though that the following history of the OCAP might serve as interesting document to read as a positive counter-example to such trajectories.

A Short History of OCAP

OCAP has its roots in a struggle around welfare reform in the late 1980s. At
that time, the Liberal Government of David Peterson was under considerable
pressure to introduce some improvements to the Province's welfare system. As a
stalling tactic, it set up a review committee that held extensive public
hearings and, finally, recommended a number of measures that included an
increase in welfare rates (depending on the category of recipient) of between
10% and 20%. During this period the London and Toronto unions of unemployed
workers had been campaigning for a 25% increase in the rates. After the release
of the review committee's report, a broader formation came together and decided
to press for the Government to implement the proposals of its own committee. A
three pronged march from Windsor, Sudbury and Ottawa was organized on the
Ontario Legislature to fight for this.

Open Letter to the Trade Unionists and Activists
Participating in
the
World Social Forum 2002 in Porto Alegre, Brazil

Is it possible to put a human face on globalization and war?

Dear Brothers and Sisters,

We, the undersigned Brazilian trade unionists, want to open a
dialogue
with you. We are living through a terrible situation the world over.
The
U.S. government, under the cover of the United Nations, is using
the
heinous terrorist attacks of September 11 to intensify a political
agenda
of "full-scale, protracted war" -- as Bush himself has stated. It is a
war
that started with the bombing of Afghanistan and is far from over.

In neighboring Argentina, the people -- after years of
governments that
had submitted to the dictates of the IMF and applied the politics of
privatization, destruction of workers' rights, and bleeding the
nation to
pay back the foreign debt -- took to the streets and threw out the
"center-left" government of Fernando De la Rua. They made it
clear they
wanted an end to policies that had plunged millions of
Argentineans into
misery and hunger -- all in the name of "modernization," the
"exigencies
of globalization," the "criteria" of the Mercosul regional "free
trade"
pact, and the preparation of the country for the FTAA!

hydrarchist writes:
Ruptures Within Empire, The Power of Exodus

An Interview with Toni Negri by Giuseppe Cocco and Maurizio Lazzarato

Translated from the French journal Multitudes (Issue
No. 7) by Thomas Seay and Hydrarchist

-------------------------------------------------- ----------------

Multitudes: In the early 90s, just after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we were together in the streets of Paris, demonstrating against the bombing of Baghdad. International intervention in the Gulf region under the aegis of the United States seemed to open a period of expansion in imperial management of international relations. In relation to that period, do the events in New York constitute a rupture, or is it part of a continuum? Should we consider the events in New York as bringing to a close a period opened by the fall of the Berlin Wall? Or, instead, should we consider that that period had already been drawn to a close by the unilateral positions taken by the United States in regards to the Palestinian question, the non-proliferation treaty on bacteriological weapons, on Kyoto, then at Durban?

Negri: In the early 90s there were really very few of us demonstrating. Today, we are many more, at least here in Italy. That is in itself a fact to take into account. But it is equally true of the United States, I believe. In addition to this important point, the New York events do indeed constitute a rupture. It is a rupture in imperial management, and one that takes place within the process of building the imperial network that collective capital has been putting into place. The construction of this imperial network started in the early 90s, with the end of the Cold War. It should be considered a real rupture because it comes from outside, or rather, outside of this process, which is not to say that it comes from the exterior of imperial constitution. By this I mean that there has been a process of imperial constitution, whereby capitalist sovereignty has been expanded out across the entire fabric of international relations; this has created a large-scale shift in sovereignty whereby international relations have been overshadowed by imperial sovereignty. And it was precisely in this moment that a suspension, a rupture occurred: the attack against the United States. Thus the rupture came from outside of the process, but at the same time it comes from within Empire. It involves a suspension of the process, a setback, a block; it is something that has been imposed. Before this turn of events there was undoubtedly an American attempt to unilaterally take control of the process. But now they are confronted by some very serious difficulties. For the sake of clarity, we'd best make use of an abstraction. In my opinion, three crises are in progress (I say "three" in order to simplify, but in fact there are multiple crises). These three crises concern the characterization of imperial sovereignty.

polo writes:

"Argentina, The 'Obedient' Victim"

An Interview with Uruguayan Writer Eduardo Galeano

Montevideo, Uruguay, 22nd of January, 2002

"The lesson for the world is, not to buy the IMF discourse, which leads to extermination." -- Galeano.

Interviewer: Argentina did everything the IMF ordered, and it's a broken country -- what's the lesson to learn for Mexico?

Eduardo Galeano: It's not only a lesson for Mexico but for the whole world, but in general I'd say that people just shouldn't believe the story: one has to be a bit more careful; the discourse of power doesn't reveal, but conceals or disguises the truth. The lesson from Argentina is not to follow this (neoliberal) discourse that leads to extermination! And not only has it lead to the destruction of national economies, but it also has horrifying consequences beyond economics. This neo-liberal IMF discourse doesn't only reflect in massive poverty but also produces an offensive concentration of wealth among the few. It is like a slap on the face, a daily insult -- this ostentatious power of the few in the midst of the helplessness of the many.

Arianna writes: "Hi, this is an interview that first appeared in Le Monde and then in La Stampa.
I have quickly translated it into English. See what you think. The original
French and the Italian translation are in links to the newspapers, below. Arianna

"Porto Alegre, Sad Empire": An Interview with Toni Negri

By Stephane Mandard

On the eve of the World Social Forum, which will take place from the 31st of
January till the 5th of February in Porto Alegre, we have interviewed the
Paduan philosopher Toni Negri, charged with armed insurrection and currently
under house arrest.

Numerous representatives of the liberal anti-globalisation movement have
turned Empire, the book you wrote with Michael Hardt, into their 'little red
book'. Do you agree with them?

"Porto Alegre is not the Paris Commune! However, the World Social Forum is
an important moment, a place where an extraordinary generosity and militant
abilities are about to meet. I am in agreement with the spirit and the
objectives of the movement: to construct, at a global level, an opposition
to liberalism and to develop a possible alternative, within the framework of
globalisation. It is a fundamental stage in the construction of a
counter-Empire. The anti-liberal movement, on the other hand, gives
expression to many different positions. And I don't agree with all of them."

Anonymous Comrade writes:

Citibank Trial in Geneva

January 15th , 14 activists went on trial for the occupation of Citibank, Geneva, but for the public (and the media) it was "the trial of Citibank"!

The protestors were among more than 50 activists who had occupied the headquarters of Citibank last May, during a demonstration held to protest against massacres of the afro-Columbian community in Columbia by paramilitary groups. The principal function of the approximately 15,000 paramilitaries is to destroy popular organisations and unions and drive peasant, indigenous and afro-Columbian communities off lands targeted by transnationals. In a number of cases it has been proved that transnationals such as United Brands, British Petroleum or Coca-Cola have been directly involved in killings (Coca-Cola is on trial now in Florida for the assassination of its union leaders in Columbia). The activists said they had no proof that CitiBank had financed paramilitaries, but pointed out that all transnationals and foreign investors in Columbia necessarily profit from a situation in which all forms of worker and peasant organisation are ruthlessly repressed (a union person is killed every two days in Columbia and 10,000 have been declared "military objectives"). Citibank is a major investor (largest foreign and quickest growing bank in the country) which benefits in multiple ways from this institutionalised violence. It also has close ties to the CIA (for example, Montesino the ex-security head of Peru ran his narcotrafic through Citibank.)

Anonymous Comrade writes:

Diez De Abril for the 21st century.

Or How a Rebel Community Born of the Zapatista Uprising, Grows and
Consolidates.

By Ramor Ryan.

A little child, big-bellied and mucky, stumbles out of her dirt-floor house
into the sun, and smiles radiantly. This is 4-year-old Rosa, a child of
Diez De Abril, born of two Zapatista Militia volunteers Adelita and
Palestino. It is January 2002 and despite much adversity, Rosa is alive and
well. She lives where she was born, a fertile valley in Chiapas, occupied
by the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) in 1994, and populated
by a Zapatista support base community in 1995. The village is called Diez
De Abril (10th of April) in memory of the anniversary of the death of
Emiliano Zapata.

Land And Freedom, A Reality.

The history of Diez De Abril is one of struggle and resistance. It is an
inspiring example of how a dispossessed people, united by necessity and
will, can organise themselves into a strong representative organisation.
And through this organisation satisfy, using lightening direct action and
long-term community resolve, the demand for land and freedom. Such it was
that landless Tzeltal and Tojolabal indigenous farmers joined with the
EZLN, participated in the insurrection of 1994 and seized this land by
force. They drove the finquero (land estate owner) away and defended the
gains of this local revolution from subsequent police, military and
paramilitary threat with their bodies and political guile. The 4 years of
little Rosa's life have been tumultuous, dramatic and occasionally
traumatic, but like the community, here she is, young and healthy and
looking towards a better future.

hydrarchist writes: "The following article has recently been published in Red and Black Revolution produced by the Workers Solidarity Movement in Ireland.

Bashing the Black Bloc?

We believe that part of the purpose of this
magazine is to address issues that anarchists may find controversial.
This essay represents the opinion of one member of the WSM - we hope
this will add to the debate, and would like to receive responses from
other anarchists.

Although the basic idea of the Black bloc has been around for
years, it only really entered the public consciousness after the
Seattle demonstrations. But after two years of Black Blocs at all the
major summit protests, has the Black Bloc tactic reached the end of
its usefulness? What role should anarchists play in the
anti-globalisation protests? Are they still relevant at all?